Why Genuine Autonomy Must Be Allowed to Flourish
*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM
“And those who have responded to their Lord, established prayer, and whose affairs are conducted by mutual consultation among themselves…”
— The Holy Qur’an (Surah Ash-Shūrā 42:38)
The Holy Qur’an reminds us of a timeless principle of governance: ”…whose affairs are conducted by mutual consultation among themselves.” (Surah Ash-Shūrā 42:38). Sa Islam, ang Shūrā, o consultation, is not simply a political process—it is a moral responsibility. It recognizes that communities are entrusted by Allah to participate in deciding their own affairs with justice, wisdom, and accountability.
Habang iniisip ko ang Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), ito agad ang pumapasok sa isip ko. Hindi lamang ito isang autonomous region. Hindi lamang ito isang political experiment. BARMM represents decades of sacrifice, broken dreams, renewed hope, and one of the greatest peace-building achievements in Philippine history.
Kapag tumayo ka sa Cotabato City, bumiyahe sa Lanao del Sur, bumisita sa Basilan, Sulu, o Tawi-Tawi, mararamdaman mo agad na iba ang Bangsamoro. Hindi lang ito simpleng bahagi ng mapa ng Pilipinas. It is a community that has fought for dignity, identity, and the right to govern itself while remaining proudly part of one Republic.
Personally, I do not see BARMM merely as another autonomous region. I see it as the Philippines’ living federal experiment.
For many years, pinagdedebatehan natin ang federalism. May nagsasabing maganda ito. May nagsasabing delikado ito. May nagsasabing hindi pa handa ang Pilipinas. Pero minsan naiisip ko… Hindi ba natin napapansin na mayroon na tayong federal prototype?
Hindi man natin ito tawaging federal state, BARMM is already demonstrating many of the core principles of federal governance. It has its own Organic Law, exercises exclusive regional powers, operates under a parliamentary system, and enjoys a level of political autonomy that no other region in the country possesses. Sa madaling salita, kung gusto nating malaman kung puwedeng gumana ang federalism sa Pilipinas, hindi tayo kailangang manghula. We already have a living laboratory. And that laboratory is Bangsamoro.
Bilang isang scholar at practitioner na matagal nang nag-aaral ng governance, constitutional reform, political intelligence, at institutional development, naniniwala akong napakahalaga ng nangyayari ngayon sa BARMM. Ang tagumpay nito ay hindi lamang tagumpay ng Bangsamoro. Tagumpay ito ng buong Republika.
Pero habang papalapit ang parliamentary elections, may isang bagay akong nakikitang dapat nating pag-isipan. Hindi ito tungkol sa kung sino ang mananalo. Hindi rin ito tungkol sa kung aling partido ang magiging majority. Ang tunay na tanong ay ito: Papayagan ba nating mamuno ang Bangsamoro sa sarili nitong kapalaran?
Because that is exactly what autonomy means. Autonomy is not genuine if every important political decision must still be influenced, negotiated, or approved somewhere in Manila. Autonomy means trust. Autonomy means allowing people to make their own choices. Autonomy even means allowing communities to learn from their own political successes and mistakes. Kung lahat ng direksiyon ay manggagaling pa rin sa national political machinery, then autonomy slowly becomes symbolism instead of substance.
Isa sa mga malaking pagkakaiba ng Bangsamoro at ng national political system ay ang kanilang political architecture. Most national political parties evolved under a presidential system. Naturally, they focus on presidential elections, congressional districts, alliances, personalities, and national patronage networks. BARMM operates differently. Its parliamentary system encourages coalition-building, consensus, and regional political platforms. The goal is not simply to elect individuals but to build a government capable of representing the diverse aspirations of the Bangsamoro people. Kaya kapag pilit nating ipinapasok ang traditional Manila politics sa parliamentary structure ng BARMM, nagkakaroon ng institutional mismatch. Hindi ito usapin kung tama o mali ang isang partido. Ang usapin dito ay kung angkop ba ang political culture na dinadala natin.
One lesson I have learned from political intelligence is very simple. Perception is reality in politics. Maaaring hindi totoo ang lahat ng usap-usapan. Maaaring walang legal na ebidensiya ang bawat alegasyon. Pero kapag nagsimulang maniwala ang mga tao na may nakikialam sa kanilang sariling political process, nasisira agad ang tiwala. And trust is the foundation of every peace agreement.
Hindi lang armas ang isinuko sa Bangsamoro. Maraming pamilya ang nagsakripisyo. Maraming buhay ang nawala. Maraming taon ang ginugol sa negosasyon upang makarating tayo sa puntong ito. Napakahirap buuin ng tiwala. Napakadali naman nitong sirain.
That is why I believe the national government has a historic opportunity. The Presidency should never be remembered as another political player inside BARMM. Instead, history should remember it as the constitutional guardian of Bangsamoro autonomy.
Sa aking pananaw, hindi mahalaga kung sino ang pinakamalapit sa administrasyon. Hindi rin mahalaga kung aling regional coalition ang may mas maraming kaalyado sa national government. Ang mahalagang tanong ay ito: Malinis ba ang halalan? Mapayapa ba ito? Tinanggap ba ng lahat ang resulta? At nirerespeto ba ng national government ang pasya ng Bangsamoro people? Because that is how democratic maturity is measured. Hindi sa dami ng political allies. Kundi sa lawak ng respeto sa democratic choice.
Isa pa sa nakikita kong mahalagang dapat pagtuunan ng pansin ay institutional coordination. Kapag maraming national agencies ang sabay-sabay na nakikipag-ugnayan sa BARMM nang walang malinaw na coordination framework, natural na magkakaroon ng magkakasalungat na mensahe. May peace mechanisms. May development agencies. May local government supervision. May security concerns. At mayroon ding political interests. Kapag walang malinaw na institutional architecture, lumalabo ang accountability. Sa bandang huli, ang sisi ay napupunta sa pinakamataas na opisyal ng gobyerno kahit ang problema ay nagsimula lamang sa hindi maayos na coordination.
Strong institutions solve this problem. Personalities come and go. Administrations change. Political parties rise and fall. But institutions remain.
Kaya kung mayroon man akong simpleng rekomendasyon, ito ay hindi komplikado. Una, continue respecting the autonomy guaranteed by the Bangsamoro Organic Law. Ikalawa, maintain complete electoral neutrality. The national government gains far greater respect by protecting a fair election than by appearing to influence one. Ikatlo, strengthen direct consultations with the Bangsamoro people themselves. Hindi lamang sa mga pulitiko. Makinig sa ulama. Makinig sa traditional leaders. Makinig sa kababaihan. Makinig sa kabataan. Makinig sa civil society. Makinig sa indigenous peoples. Makinig sa mga negosyante. Makinig sa ordinaryong mamamayan. Because listening is not weakness. Listening is leadership.
Ikaapat, make transparency a permanent policy. Kapag nakikita ng publiko ang tunay na estado ng peace commitments, infrastructure projects, development funds, at normalization efforts, mas kaunti ang puwang para sa maling impormasyon. Facts become stronger than rumors.
Finally, after the elections, the national government should immediately recognize and work with whichever coalition legitimately earns the confidence of the Bangsamoro Parliament. Hindi dapat loyalty sa national party ang sukatan. Ang tunay na sukatan ay ang tiwala ng Bangsamoro people.
As someone who has spent years advocating constitutional reform, I honestly believe that the Philippines has far more to learn from BARMM than many of us realize. Before asking whether federalism can work nationwide, perhaps we should first appreciate the remarkable experiment already unfolding in Muslim Mindanao. BARMM has shown us that regional identity can coexist with national unity. That self-governance can strengthen—not weaken—the Republic. And that peace becomes more durable when people are trusted to govern themselves.
Sa huli, ang autonomy ay hindi regalo ng Maynila. Ito ay isang pangakong dapat igalang. Hindi ito tungkol sa kung sino ang mananalo sa halalan. Ito ay tungkol sa kung paano natin igagalang ang pasya ng mga taong matagal nang ipinaglaban ang karapatang mamuno sa kanilang sariling kinabukasan.
If history remembers this generation for anything, I hope it remembers that we had the wisdom to protect one of the greatest constitutional innovations ever created in our Republic. Because by protecting Bangsamoro autonomy, we are not merely preserving a peace agreement. We are protecting trust. We are strengthening democracy. And we are allowing the Philippines’ greatest living federal experiment to flourish exactly as it was intended—with dignity, peace, and genuine self-governance.
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Dear friends,
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