Dr. John's Wishful Thinking

Dr. John’s Wishful is a blog where stories, struggles, and hopes for a better nation come alive. It blends personal reflections with social commentary, turning everyday experiences into insights on democracy, unity, and integrity. More than critique, it is a voice of hope—reminding readers that words can inspire change, truth can challenge power, and dreams can guide Filipinos toward a future of justice and nationhood.

Wednesday, February 4, 2026

Gilas Was Ready, But the Whistle Blew Before Tip-Off




I did not think of law when I read the Supreme Court ruling. I did not think of doctrines, footnotes, or technical phrases. What came to my mind was basketball—because that is how Filipinos understand fairness, struggle, and heartbreak.


I imagined Gilas Pilipinas about to face China. The players were ready. The lineup was strong. The coaches had studied every move, every weakness, every possible adjustment. The country was watching. There was no promise of victory, only the hope of a fair fight. The anthem played. The ball was ready at center court. And then, just before the tip-off, the whistle blew—not for a foul, not for a violation, but to cancel the game entirely. Papers filed weeks ago were suddenly enough to erase months of preparation. No first quarter. No defense. No chance to see what the team was made of.


That was the heaviness I felt when the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte was stopped—not because the accusations were proven false, not because the evidence was weak, but because the process itself was declared invalid before it was allowed to breathe.


I have spent years teaching young minds, serving in public safety, and observing how institutions work under pressure. I respect rules. I understand procedure. But I also know that rules were never meant to silence the truth before it speaks. Preparation means nothing if you are never allowed to step onto the court.


I lived through the impeachment of President Joseph Estrada. I remember those days vividly. The country felt tense, divided, restless. Allegations were read on television. Evidence was debated openly. Senators argued not as polished performers but as human beings burdened by history. It was noisy. It was emotional. It was flawed. But it was alive. The process moved forward, imperfectly, painfully, but visibly. The Supreme Court did not stop the game mid-play. It did not disqualify the match before the first whistle. It allowed the political process to unfold, to struggle, and eventually to collapse under the weight of reality.


Only after the nation had already felt the breaking point did the Court step in—not to judge the impeachment, but to recognize what had already happened on the ground. That was restraint. That was trust in democracy, messy as it was.


Today, the feeling is different. In the Sara Duterte case, the game never started. The Court did not wait for evidence to be weighed or arguments to be tested. It did not allow the House to fully deliberate or the Senate to even prepare for trial. Instead, it ruled that earlier complaints—some barely heard, some barely acted upon—had already triggered a constitutional clock. And just like that, the door closed.


It was at this point that the words of SP Tito Sotto echoed with painful clarity. When he said that impeachment has now become an “impossible dream,” he was not exaggerating. He was expressing a hard truth that many citizens quietly felt but could not articulate. If impeachment can be stopped before it even reaches the Senate—before evidence is weighed, before truth is tested—then accountability itself begins to feel unreachable, almost theoretical.


To lawyers, this may sound correct, even elegant. To ordinary Filipinos, it feels cold. It feels like telling a team that trained with discipline and sacrifice that their efforts no longer matter because of a technicality they did not commit. It leaves people staring at an empty court, asking softly, “So we will never know?”


When people ask me if the Supreme Court contradicted itself compared to the Estrada case, I answer carefully. On paper, no. The doctrines were not overturned. The language of the Constitution was not rewritten. But as a citizen, as an educator, and as a father explaining this to the next generation, I feel something deeper. The Court may not have contradicted its words, but it changed how it referees democracy.


Before, the Court trusted the people and their representatives to wrestle with truth, even if the fight was ugly. Now, it trusts procedure more than process, finality more than participation. One approach allows the game to be played, even if it ends in heartbreak. The other ends the game before anyone breaks a sweat.


This is why many Filipinos are not angry—they are simply sad.


Impeachment was never meant to be comfortable. It was designed to be painful, revealing, and risky. The one-year bar was meant to protect officials from harassment, not to shield them from ever being questioned. When procedure becomes a wall instead of a guide, accountability quietly slips away—until what was once a constitutional safeguard becomes, as Senator Sotto warned, an impossible dream.


In basketball, Filipinos do not demand automatic victory from Gilas. We only ask for a fair chance to fight, to lose honorably if we must, or to win honestly if we can. In democracy, it is the same. We are not asking for convictions. We are not demanding acquittals. We are only asking that the game be allowed to begin.


Because when the whistle blows too early, no one truly wins. We are all left watching an empty court, wondering what truth might have emerged—if only the ball had been tossed.

_____

*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.




Tuesday, February 3, 2026

Not Federalism, but TAGGED: Understanding PBBM’s Real Advocacy

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM


After the May 2022 elections, I did not rush to celebrate. I paused. I watched. I listened—not just to speeches delivered under bright lights, but to the quieter choices made away from the podium. Over time, a realization settled in, slowly but firmly: President Ferdinand Bongbong Marcos Jr. was not governing according to the ideological banner of the party that signed his Certificate of Nomination and Acceptance. Federalism, often associated with that political vehicle, was never the heartbeat of his presidency.


From the very beginning, his compass pointed elsewhere.


He spoke first of national development—plain, practical, almost unromantic. Then came Bagong Pilipinas, not as a rigid doctrine but as a direction, a promise still being shaped by reality. And now, as the country confronts scandals long buried and corruption long tolerated, that direction has sharpened into something unmistakable. What we are witnessing is not ideological drift, but the consolidation of a governing philosophy grounded in consequence.


As I see it, the real advocacy of this presidency is not federalism. It is TAG—Transparency, Accountability, and Good Governance.


I say this not as a partisan admirer, but as an educator, a former local official, and someone who has spent years teaching governance, public safety, and institutional integrity. I have seen reforms announced with thunder only to collapse under the weight of corruption. I have seen unity campaigns dissolve into transactional politics. I have seen beautiful narratives fail because they were unwilling to confront uncomfortable truths.


What feels different now—what unsettles allies and critics alike—is the visible insistence on accountability. We are no longer seeing corruption merely “investigated,” quietly “resolved,” or administratively swept aside. We are seeing officials named, cases filed, and consequences imposed. This is governance that understands a painful truth: credibility is restored not by rhetoric, but by sanctions.


Pushing for TAGGED governance will never be a popularity contest, and the President surely knows this. Transparency threatens those who survive in secrecy. Accountability frightens those who built careers on evasion. Good governance disrupts entire ecosystems of opportunism. It is therefore inevitable that a presidency anchored on TAGGED will be unpopular—not with ordinary Filipinos who suffer from corruption—but with opportunist politicians, complicit businessmen, and even foreign stakeholders who have grown accustomed to enriching themselves by utilizing, influencing, or outright controlling parts of government. For them, reform is not progress; it is loss. Every audit is a danger. Every prosecution is a warning. Every rule enforced is a door closed to easy profit.


And yet, this is precisely why TAGGED matters.


No president who insists on consequences will ever be fully embraced by those who benefit from disorder. No government that enforces the law evenly will be applauded by those who thrive on exemptions. Unpopularity among the corrupt is not a failure of leadership—it is evidence of it. History has always been unkind to reformers in their own time, but generous in judgment later. What weakens administrations is not resistance from vested interests, but surrender to them.


Because without TAG, Bagong Pilipinas is just branding.


Without transparency, development funds become pipelines for theft. Without accountability, laws become optional. Without good governance, unity turns into coercion, peace becomes silence, and justice becomes selective. You cannot build sustainable prosperity on rotten foundations. You cannot preach national renewal while tolerating a system that rewards corruption and punishes integrity.


This is why TAG matters. And this is why it must be expanded, enforced, and lived. Bagong Pilipinas must be TAGGED.


T—Transparency.

The courage of government to open its books, its processes, and its decisions to public scrutiny. Power that hides decays; power that is seen can be corrected.


A—Accountability.

The willingness to answer for every peso, every signature, and every decision—without exemptions for rank, connection, or loyalty. Public office is not a shield; it is a burden of trust.


G—Good Governance.

Governance by discipline and competence, not by convenience or charisma. Institutions that function even when no cameras are watching.


But TAG alone is not enough. The country has learned this through decades of disappointment. That is why the nation must be TAGGED.


G—Genuine Reform.

Not cosmetic reshuffles or rhetorical cleansing, but structural corrections that dismantle corrupt systems and prevent their return.


E—Enforcement of the Law.

The end of selective justice. Laws must no longer bend for the powerful and snap for the poor. Justice delayed, negotiated, or selectively applied is not justice—it is betrayal.


D—Deterrence of Corruption.

A system where wrongdoing is no longer profitable, protected, or survivable—because consequences are certain, swift, and visible. When corruption no longer pays, integrity finally has room to grow.


This, to me, is the real advocacy of the present administration. Not federalism as an abstract restructuring of power, but TAGGED governance as a moral restructuring of the state. Not ideology, but discipline. Not slogans, but consequences.


As an educator, I teach that values are learned not through lectures but through consistency. As a political analyst, I know that systems only change when incentives change. And as a Filipino, I know this much: no unity, no peace, no justice, and no prosperity can ever be genuine as long as corruption is allowed to survive.


No amount of good narratives can move a nation forward if bad behavior goes unpunished.


If Bagong Pilipinas is to be real—if it is to endure beyond speeches and administrations—it must be TAGGED, clearly and without fear. Only then can national development move from promise to practice, from rhetoric to reality, and from hope to habit.

_____

*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.


Sunday, February 1, 2026

The Senate Leadership: When the Music Is Still Right, but the Plot Has Begun



Every orchestra has its quiet moments—not the silence of rest, but the silence of watching. The musicians glance at one another, counting beats, listening not just to the conductor but to the mood in the hall. It is in this silence that plots are born.


This is where the story of the attempt to unseat Senate President Tito Sotto truly begins—not with a loud revolt, not with a dramatic walkout, but with whispers that sound like concern and questions that pretend to be innocent. Is the tempo right? Is the music still relevant? Are we being heard? These questions do not arrive as accusations. They arrive as invitations—to doubt.


The plot, as I have come to understand it through years of watching institutions up close, does not unfold like a coup. It unfolds like a rehearsal gone wrong.


At first, only a few musicians are restless. They feel constrained by the score. They want more room for solos, more freedom to improvise, more influence over when and how the piece is played. The conductor, doing his job, insists on discipline. He keeps time. He limits excess. He reminds everyone that the music is bigger than any one instrument. That is when discipline begins to feel like oppression to those who prefer disorder disguised as creativity.


So the narrative shifts.


The conductor is no longer described as steady; he is described as outdated. He is no longer firm; he is labeled inflexible. Effectiveness is reframed as obstruction. Stability is recast as stagnation. And slowly, deliberately, the idea is planted: Perhaps the concert would sound better with someone else on the podium.


This is how the plot against a Senate President matures—not through proof of failure, but through exhaustion of trust.


What makes this dangerous is not the existence of dissent. Dissent is healthy. What makes it dangerous is that the dissatisfaction does not come from the entire orchestra, nor from the musical director, nor from the concert organizer or producer who understand the full cost of collapse. It comes from a few musicians who believe that if the concert breaks down, they will somehow emerge louder, more visible, more powerful.


They forget one thing: when the music collapses, no one sounds good.


In the Senate, the equivalent of this sabotage is subtle. It appears in delayed cooperation, in lukewarm support, in procedural friction dressed up as principle. It surfaces in statements that stop short of rebellion but drip with ambiguity. I am open to change. We are just asking questions. This is about institutional integrity. These words sound noble, but they are often the soft gloves worn by hard ambition.


And here is the most painful truth: the Senate President does not fall because he has lost control. He falls because enough senators decide that staying loyal is riskier than leaving. The plot succeeds not when the conductor makes a mistake, but when the musicians decide they no longer want to listen.


This is why the attempt to unseat Tito Sotto is not really about his competence. It is about control of the tempo. It is about who decides which issues move forward, which investigations gain oxygen, which voices are amplified, and which are kept in harmony with the whole. It is about the future—about positioning for the next act, the next election, the next distribution of power.


Those pushing the plot understand this well. They do not rush. They wait for a moment of national noise—an impeachment controversy, a constitutional dispute, a moral outrage—anything that can be used to argue that the music has become unbearable. They rely on confusion, because confusion lowers standards. When the audience cannot tell who is at fault, they are more willing to accept a sudden change.


But this is where the tragedy lies.


If the conductor is replaced not because he has lost the music, but because a few refuse to follow it, the orchestra does not improve. It fractures. The new conductor inherits mistrust, not harmony. The score is already torn. The audience, sensing instability, stops listening with respect and starts listening with suspicion.


I have seen this happen in government, in organizations, even in families. Change driven by sabotage does not heal—it destabilizes. It teaches everyone that discipline is optional, loyalty is temporary, and order can be overturned by persistence rather than principle.


And so I return to the orchestra.


If the conductor is truly failing—if he has forgotten the score, lost the tempo, or abandoned the music—then change is not only justified, it is necessary. But if the music is still coherent, if the orchestra is still functioning, and if only a few insist on stopping the concert because they want the baton for themselves, then what follows is not renewal.


It is disaster.


Leadership, like music, is fragile. Once broken, it cannot be easily repaired. And history is unkind to those who confuse sabotage for reform. In the end, the audience may not remember every note—but they will remember the moment the music stopped, and who chose to let it fall apart.

_____

*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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