*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM
For more than a century, the Philippines has repeatedly changed the people who govern it.
Nagpalit tayo ng Pangulo. Nagpalit tayo ng Constitution. Nagpalit tayo ng political parties, political colors, campaign slogans, economic programs, anti-corruption drives, at kung anu-anong pangako ng pagbabago.
Every new administration arrives carrying a new vocabulary of hope.
Bagong lider. Bagong programa.
Bagong slogan. Bagong pangako.
Then, sooner or later, another controversy erupts.
Another questionable transaction. Another investigation. Another hearing.
Another allegation of kickbacks, overpricing, ghost projects, influence, commissions, or misuse of public money.
And the Filipino taxpayer is left asking the same old question:
“Bakit parang napanood ko na ito?”
That is the problem.
Perhaps corruption in the Philippines can no longer be understood merely as the misconduct of individual officials. We must also examine the political environment, institutional weaknesses, incentives, patronage networks, concentration of power, weaknesses in enforcement, and opportunities that allow corruption to survive from one generation to another.
Because corrupt officials eventually retire.
Some lose elections.
Some are removed.
Some are prosecuted.
Some die.
But somehow, corruption recruits replacements.
Parang may succession plan.
Worse, corruption evolves.
Noong araw, baka sobre.
Then came the brown envelope.
Then commissions.
Kickbacks.
Ghost projects.
Overpricing.
Questionable procurement.
Layers of contractors, corporations, intermediaries, and increasingly complicated financial arrangements.
Nag-digital transformation na ang mundo.
Mukhang pati corruption nag-upgrade na rin.
So perhaps we have been asking the wrong question.
Instead of merely asking:
“Sino ang corrupt?”
We should also ask:
“What kind of system keeps allowing corruption to reproduce itself?”
And this brings me to a political term that you will never find in the 1987 Constitution.
Peradalismo.
WELCOME TO THE PERADAL FORM OF GOVERNMENT
Naalala n’yo pa ba ang Federalismo?
During the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, Federalism became one of the loudest proposals for political reform. Decentralization. Regional empowerment. Bringing government closer to the people. The idea was that political power, resources, and opportunities should not remain excessively concentrated in the national center.
Then came President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., who ran under the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas.
Federal ulit.
Pero habang hinihintay natin ang Federalismo under this administration which is impossible na magkatotoo, baka hindi natin napansin na may isa palang unofficial form of government na matagal nang umiiral.
Hindi Presidential.
Hindi Parliamentary.
Hindi Federal.
Peradal.
Welcome to the Peradal Form of Government.
Huwag ninyong hanapin sa Constitution. Wala iyon doon.
At huwag ninyong isagot sa Political Science, sa Sociology or Constitutional Law examination dahil baka imbes na makagawa kayo ng bagong political theory, magkaroon kayo ng bagong subject next semester.
Peradalismo is my coined satirical term for an old political disease.
PERA + DAL = PERADAL.
And DAL stands for:
Diversion. Acquisition. Looting.
Diversion, when public resources are improperly diverted from their legitimate purpose.
Acquisition, when public authority, government contracts, influence, connections, or resources are improperly transformed into private gain.
And Looting, when public wealth is simply treated as something available for private plunder.
In short:
PERADAL is PERA through Diversion, Acquisition, and Looting.
Peradalismo therefore describes a political culture in which public office can cease to be principally about public service and become an opportunity for private enrichment.
Hindi constitutional form of government.
Pero minsan, parang napaka-efficient ng implementation.
MATAGAL NA PALA TAYONG NAKA-PERADAL
But let us be fair.
Corruption did not begin with President Marcos Jr.
It did not begin with Duterte, Aquino, Arroyo, Estrada, Ramos, Marcos Sr., or any single modern administration.
The struggle against corruption, patronage, political favoritism, abuse of authority, and misuse of public resources reaches deep into Philippine political history.
That does not mean every President was corrupt.
It does not mean every administration was equally corrupt.
And it would be intellectually irresponsible to treat allegations, proven wrongdoing, historical controversies, and political propaganda as though they were all the same thing.
Each administration must be judged according to evidence and its own historical record.
But the institutional disease itself has survived generations.
Nagpalit ang Presidente.
Nagpalit ang partido.
Nagpalit ang slogan.
Nagpalit ang kulay.
Pero may isang tanong na parang ayaw mag-retire:
“Magkano ang sa akin?”
Iyan ang espiritu ng Peradalismo.
At napaka-inclusive nitong ideology.
Administration?
Pwede.
Opposition?
Pwede.
National?
Pwede.
Local?
Pwede.
Left?
Right?
Center?
Walang ideological discrimination.
Because Peradalismo has only one favorite political color:
Kulay ng pera.
FEDERALISMO VERSUS PERADALISMO
The contrast is almost comical.
Federalism asks:
How should power and resources be distributed?
Peradalismo asks:
“Paano hahatiin ang pera?”
Federalism distributes resources to empower regions.
Peradalismo diverts resources to empower pockets.
Federalism speaks of regional autonomy.
Peradalismo sometimes appears to practice another kind of autonomy:
Autonomy ng bulsa.
Kapag maliit ang halaga, envelope.
Kapag lumaki, brown envelope.
Kapag mas malaki, bag.
At kapag talagang napakalaki?
Maleta.
Maybe that is why we failed to notice the transition.
Akala natin naghihintay tayo ng Federal Form of Government.
May Peradal Form of Government na pala.
Walang Constitutional Convention.
Walang Constituent Assembly.
Walang plebisito.
Walang ratification.
Pero parang matagal nang operational.
FLOOD CONTROL AT ANG ISA PANG URI NG BAHA
And now we arrive at the present controversy surrounding flood-control projects and other allegations of corruption involving public expenditures.
Flood control ang pinag-uusapan.
But perhaps there are two floods that government must control.
Una, baha ng tubig.
Pangalawa:
Baha ng pera.
And the second may be more difficult to contain.
Tubig, kapag umapaw, nakikita.
Pera, kapag nawala, kailangan pang hanapin.
That is why the public must learn one of the oldest principles of accountability:
Follow the money.
Magkano ang proyekto?
Sino ang contractor?
Ano ang specifications?
May competitive bidding ba?
Natapos ba?
Tama ba ang presyo?
Sino ang nag-inspect?
Sino ang nag-approve?
Magkano ang nailabas?
At kung may anomalyang mapatunayan:
Nasaan ang pera?
Peradalismo sounds funny.
Its consequences are not.
Every peso stolen from government is potentially a peso taken away from a classroom, hospital, medicine, road, bridge, irrigation system, flood-control structure, or another public service.
Ang maletang puno ng pera ay maaaring gawing political joke.
Ang pamilyang nakalubog sa baha ay hindi.
GIVE CREDIT WHERE CREDIT IS DUE
This is also where we must be fair to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
If his administration is genuinely pursuing questionable transactions, investigating corruption, recovering public money, strengthening institutions, and bringing cases against those for whom sufficient evidence exists, those actions deserve recognition.
Hindi dahil Marcos ang apelyido niya.
Hindi dahil administration siya.
But because every genuine action against corruption deserves support regardless of who occupies Malacañang.
The Office of the Ombudsman under Ombudsman Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla also carries an enormous responsibility in this period.
Investigate where evidence warrants investigation.
Prosecute where the law and evidence warrant prosecution.
Recover public assets where legally possible.
And when guilt is established after due process, impose the consequences provided by law.
But let me make my position equally clear.
Hindi ko sinasabing santo si PBBM.
Hindi ko rin sinasabing corruption-free ang kasalukuyang administration.
Political analysis ito.
Hindi canonization.
The complete judgment on any presidency belongs to evidence, institutions, the courts where appropriate, the Filipino people, and eventually history.
If Marcos does something right, acknowledge it.
If his administration does something wrong, scrutinize it.
If credible evidence points toward political opponents, investigate them.
If credible evidence points toward allies, investigate them too.
Because the ultimate test of an anti-corruption campaign is not how aggressively a government investigates its enemies.
The real test comes when the evidence points toward its friends.
No surname should constitute immunity from accountability.
No party.
No political color.
No family.
No administration.
Presidents are temporary. The Republic remains.
THE OMBUDSMAN MUST BELONG TO THE REPUBLIC
This is why the Ombudsman cannot become merely an instrument of whoever happens to occupy Malacañang.
The Ombudsman must belong to the Republic.
Not to the administration.
Not to the opposition.
Not to a political dynasty.
Not to a political faction.
Evidence.
Law.
Due process.
Accountability.
When those four become stronger than political connections, Peradalismo begins to lose its most important currency:
Impunity.
Imagine the cultural change if somebody offers a government official a kickback.
Dati:
“Magkano?”
Then perhaps someday:
“Loko ka ba? Baka makulong ako!”
Progress na iyon.
But the greater victory comes when the official does not refuse merely because of fear.
He refuses because he understands:
“Hindi akin ang pera ng bayan.”
That is when we stop merely frightening corruption.
We begin changing the culture that produces it.
NOT JUST FEDERALISM. EVOLVING FEDERALISM.
And this is where I believe the Federalism debate must evolve.
The Philippines does not need to photocopy American Federalism, Canadian Federalism, German Federalism, Australian Federalism, Swiss Federalism, or anybody else’s Federalism.
We need something shaped by Philippine realities.
An Evolving Federalism.
A distinctly Filipino system capable of learning, adjusting, and responding to our geography, regional diversity, economic inequality, political dynasties, institutional weaknesses, technological changes, and our long struggle against corruption.
Federalism should not be treated like imported furniture.
Order abroad.
Deliver to Manila.
Assemble according to manual.
Then hope walang sobrang turnilyo.
Political institutions do not work that way.
A Philippine Federal system must evolve because the country itself evolves.
Technology evolves.
Commerce evolves.
Crime evolves.
Politics evolves.
And unfortunately:
Peradalismo evolves.
Therefore:
Federalism must evolve faster than corruption learns how to exploit it.
That, to me, is the heart of Evolving Federalism.
FEDERALISM CAN ALSO BECOME PERADALISM
And here comes the warning that every serious Federalist must accept.
Federalism alone will not destroy corruption.
In fact, badly designed Federalism could make corruption worse.
If we decentralize money and power without decentralizing scrutiny and strengthening accountability, we may simply create regional franchises of Peradalismo.
Welcome to:
Peradalismo Luzon Branch.
Peradalismo Visayas Branch.
Peradalismo Mindanao Branch.
Peradalismo Imperial NCR Branch
Complete with regional managers.
That is not Federalism.
That is franchising.
We cannot merely transfer the maleta from Manila to the regions.
Same maleta. Different airport.
Therefore, Evolving Federalism must follow a fundamental equation:
More autonomy = More accountability.
Greater regional power must mean stronger regional auditing.
Greater fiscal authority must mean greater fiscal transparency.
Greater local discretion must mean stronger citizen oversight.
More public money must mean easier public access to information.
Every peso transferred closer to the region should become easier to trace, not easier to hide.
FOLLOW THE MONEY, DIGITALLY
Imagine a Federal Philippines where any ordinary citizen can open a government platform and examine a major project.
Project cost?
Click.
Contractor?
Click.
Source of funds?
Click.
Bidding documents?
Click.
Project specifications?
Click.
Deadline?
Click.
Payments released?
Click.
Percentage completed?
Click.
Geotagged photographs?
Click.
Audit observations?
Click.
If government says there is a ₱500-million flood-control structure somewhere, citizens should not need scuba equipment, a treasure map, and divine intervention just to find it.
That is what bringing government closer to the people should mean.
Not merely bringing government offices geographically closer.
Bring government information closer.
Bring the budget closer.
Bring procurement closer.
Bring accountability closer.
Because transparency changes the balance of power between government and citizen.
DEVOLUTION OF POWER, NOT DEVOLUTION OF KURAKOT
Evolving Federalism therefore requires one non-negotiable principle:
Devolve power, but never devolve corruption.
Give regions greater authority.
Give communities greater opportunities to determine their development.
Allow local solutions for local problems.
But establish strong national standards for transparency, auditing, procurement, anti-corruption enforcement, disclosure, and accountability.
Regional autonomy should never mean:
“Bahala na kayo diyan.”
It should mean:
“Kayo ang magdesisyon, pero makikita ng taong bayan kung paano ninyo ginastos ang bawat piso.”
That distinction is crucial.
Traditional decentralization can empower politicians.
Evolving Federalism must empower citizens.
TURN THE REGIONS INTO LABORATORIES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
And this is where Federalism can become truly exciting.
Why should regions compete only for investments, infrastructure, tourism, and economic growth?
Let them compete in governance.
Which region has the most transparent procurement system?
Which delivers permits fastest?
Which publishes the clearest budget?
Which has the strongest citizen-participation mechanisms?
Which has the lowest corruption vulnerability?
Which produces the highest citizen satisfaction?
Which can build infrastructure at the best quality and reasonable cost?
Let regions innovate.
Let them experiment.
Let successful reforms spread.
And when corruption discovers a new loophole, close it.
When technology creates a better auditing mechanism, adopt it.
When one region discovers a more transparent procurement system, learn from it.
When citizens can be given real-time access to public expenditure data, give it to them.
This is why I call it Evolving Federalism.
It is not merely a constitutional structure.
It is a system capable of learning.
FROM PERADALISMO TO PANANAGUTAN
For generations, Peradalismo has demonstrated a remarkable ability to survive.
Presidents changed.
Constitutions changed.
Governments changed.
Parties changed.
Political colors changed.
But corruption adapted.
Perhaps the mistake was believing that changing leaders alone would change the system.
Leadership matters enormously.
Political will matters.
But political will eventually leaves office.
Institutions remain.
That is why the objective should not merely be to find an honest President.
It should be to construct institutions capable of restraining a dishonest one.
Not merely to find honest governors.
Build institutions capable of detecting dishonest governors.
Not merely to hope contractors behave.
Build systems where questionable contracts become difficult to hide.
That is the difference between depending on good people and building good government.
We need both.
And that is where Evolving Federalism can become an answer to Peradalismo.
Not because Federalism magically produces honest politicians.
It doesn’t.
Not because decentralization automatically eliminates corruption.
It doesn’t.
But because a carefully designed, continuously improving Federal system can distribute power while simultaneously multiplying centers of transparency, participation, competition, scrutiny, and accountability.
Federalismo should distribute power.
Federalismo should distribute development.
Federalismo should distribute opportunities.
But Federalismo must never distribute the loot.
THE REAL REVOLUTION
Perhaps the Federalism the Philippines needs was never supposed to arrive fully formed.
Perhaps it must grow with us.
Learn with us.
Correct itself.
Adapt.
Improve.
Evolve.
Because Peradalismo has been evolving for generations.
Good governance must finally learn to outrun it.
So the real contest is no longer merely Federalism versus Unitary Government.
It is a contest between two philosophies of public power.
One asks:
“Paano natin ilalapit ang kapangyarihan, kaunlaran, at pananagutan sa mamamayan?”
The other whispers:
“Magkano ang sa akin?”
The first is the Federalism we should build.
The second is Peradalismo.
And if we are serious about defeating it, then Federalism cannot simply redistribute power.
It must redesign accountability.
It must make corruption harder.
Detection easier.
Information accessible.
Citizens stronger.
And consequences real.
Bring power closer to the people.
Bring development closer to the people.
Bring information closer to the people.
Bring accountability closer to the people.
And when guilt has been established after due process:
Bring the corrupt closer to prison.
That is the transition worth fighting for.
Not from one political family to another.
Not from one political color to another.
Not from one slogan to another.
But from a culture of extraction to a culture of accountability.
From “Magkano ang sa akin?”
To:
“Magkano ang maibabalik natin sa taong bayan?”
From Peradalismo—
to Pananagutan.
And perhaps someday, we will no longer need to joke about envelopes, kickbacks, ghost projects, percentages, and maletang puno ng pera.
Because Federalism will have evolved into something greater than the distribution of political power.
It will have become a system for distributing responsibility, transparency, opportunity, development, and accountability.
FEDERALISMO ANG GIGIBA SA PERADALISMO.
Not Federalism alone.
An Evolving Federalism.
Because the money of the people is not for the envelope.
Hindi para sa bulsa.
Hindi para sa maleta.
Ang pera ng bayan ay para sa bayan.
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