*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD
I write
this not only as a Filipino who listened intently to the 2025 State of theNation Address of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., but also as a public
servant, educator, and former national deputy secretary-general of the president’s political
party, the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP), who has watched the evolution of our
nation’s governance up close. As I sat in a quiet corner after another TV
interview analyzing the President’s speech, I found myself neither fully elated
nor completely disappointed—but deeply contemplative.
President
Marcos delivered his address with poise and clarity. He was calm and confident,
reporting numbers, laying out progress, and outlining his administration’s
goals with the composure we’ve come to expect. But underneath the applause and
carefully curated statistics, I found myself wrestling with a larger, more
painful realization: we are a nation locked within a system that no longer
serves our evolving needs.
Let me clarify, not to undermine the efforts of this administration, but to reveal a reality that many of us in government have long suppressed: the issue is systemic, not personal. No single president, no matter how
sincere or skilled, can solve our nation’s most entrenched problems while
governed by a 1987 constitution that constrains structural reform, stifles
innovation, and perpetuates inefficiency.
The Bright Spots: Economic Recovery and
Connectivity
Let's first acknowledge those who deserve recognition. There are, undoubtedly, bright spots in the
President’s 2025 SONA. The president asserts that the country's economic trajectory is improving. Inflation has slowed, foreign direct investment
is on the rise, and the government continues to invest in digital
infrastructure and energy independence. These are not small feats.
The
continuation of the “Build Better More” program—originally started under the
Duterte administration—shows commitment to infrastructure as a driver of
development. I particularly appreciated the focus on regional connectivity,
making it easier for farmers, entrepreneurs, and students to access economic
centers. Roads, airports, and digital platforms are being built not just for
Metro Manila but for regions that have long felt neglected.
Moreover,
the emphasis on renewable energy, including solar and wind power, suggests a
shift toward long-term sustainability. This is a welcome change from previous
years of energy band-aids and fossil fuel dependency. Likewise, I applaud the
inclusion of support programs for MSMEs (Micro, Small, and Medium
Enterprises)—they are, after all, the lifeblood of local economies.
The Human Lens: Education, Health, and Inclusivity
On a human
level, President Marcos made mention of targeted social support for vulnerable
sectors. He spoke of expanding access to universal health care, providing
assistance to solo parents and individuals with disabilities, and investing in
inclusive learning platforms.
But while
these policies are laudable, the depth of the problems in these sectors
deserves more than just enumeration. Our education system continues to produce
underperforming students. In global assessments, we still rank near the bottom
in reading, mathematics, and science. Teacher burnout is at an all-time high.
As an academic and education administrator, I had hoped for a more urgent and
transformative roadmap to address the crisis in our classrooms.
On the
health front, there is growing inequity between urban and rural access. Health
centers in far-flung provinces are understaffed and under-equipped. The
president’s call for digital health technologies is promising—but without
fixing our basic infrastructure and compensation for health workers, the proposal will
remain just another beneficial idea without traction.
What Was Missing: Justice, Peace, and the War on
Drugs
As someone
who has worked on peacebuilding and public safety policy, I could not help but
feel that the SONA lacked a deeper reckoning with justice and reconciliation.
The war on drugs, now rebranded and restructured, was mentioned
briefly—focusing on rehabilitation and prevention rather than enforcement. The present effort is a step in the right direction. However, the damage done in the past remains
largely unaddressed. There was no strong commitment to investigate abuses or
provide healing for the thousands of families affected. A nation cannot move
forward unless it confronts its painful truths.
Likewise,
the peace process in Mindanao, while briefly cited through BARMM’s continued
autonomy, deserves broader recognition and deeper investment. BARMM remains our
best experiment in decentralized governance—and it works. It shows us what is
possible when we trust local communities, respect their history, and provide
genuine autonomy. In fact, BARMM could be our roadmap for federal
transformation.
The System Is the Problem: The Limits of the 1987
Constitution
But here is
where my analysis must go beyond metrics and policies: even with the best
intentions, any president is limited by the constitutional structure we
currently operate under. The 1987 Constitution—crafted after a dictatorship,
with all the right intentions—has become a straitjacket in the 21st century.
It has
created a hyper-centralized government, where regions wait for Manila’s
approval to move, where local governments rely too heavily on national funds,
and where executive-legislative relations are locked in partisan gridlock. Good
laws die in Congress not because they lack merit, but because they don’t
benefit the political elite.
The
presidential unitary system encourages personality politics, shortens policy
continuity, and makes political dynasties almost invincible. It has created a
cycle where leaders change, but the problems remain. And so, as much as we
appreciate the President’s vision, I fear that without systemic restructuring,
many of his plans—like those before him—will not survive the end of his term.
The Call for Change: Federal Parliamentary
Government
This is why
I firmly believe it is time to evolve toward a federal parliamentary government. And this belief is not just academic—it is born of decades of
fieldwork, governance experience, and policy frustration. Federalism would
allow our diverse regions to flourish on their terms. It would provide local
leaders more fiscal autonomy, more legislative space, and more accountability
to their constituents.
A
parliamentary system, meanwhile, promotes programmatic politics. It minimizes
the circus of celebrity campaigns. Parties rise and fall based on platforms,
not personalities. Legislation is faster. Gridlocks are fewer. Leaders are
removed not by popularity contests, but by a vote of no confidence.
BARMM
proves this approach can work. Under the Bangsamoro Organic Law, the region governs
itself with a ministerial parliament. Decision-making is quicker. Culturally
sensitive policies are enacted. We tailor peace and development projects accordingly. Such an arrangement is not a dream—it is a working model already inside our Republic.
We do not
need to abolish the Republic. We only need to restructure it—decentralize power and make governance more responsive and people-centered.
A Nation at a Crossroads
President
Marcos Jr.’s 2025 address was steady and informative. It gave the impression of
a government at work, a government trying to correct what it can. But no amount of
presidential will can overcome a system that protects the status quo more than
it enables transformation.
I do not
question the sincerity of President Marcos Jr., nor do I ignore the gains his
administration has made. But I do question our national reluctance to confront
the truth: we cannot keep applying new paint to a house with broken
foundations.
We are a
country of extraordinary talent, rich natural resources, and resilient people.
But we are also a country haunted by a constitution that no longer reflects our
time, our realities, or our aspirations. The problem is not the President’s failure.
This is our shared responsibility.
Closing Reflections: From Critique to Courage
As I end
this reflection, I ask myself—not just as an analyst, but as a citizen and a single
father—what kind of country will we leave behind?
The SONA
gave us numbers, policies, and promises. But beyond those, what we need is a
courageous national conversation: Are we ready to restructure our governance?
Are we willing to transfer power back to the regions? Can we finally outgrow our
obsession with personalities and build a nation based on programs, systems, and
shared values?
Federalism
is not a panacea, but it represents a start. And BARMM is our living laboratory.
Let us not waste the chance to replicate its successes. Let us not wait for
another crisis to push us into reform.
I commend
President Marcos Jr. for trying to govern within the limits he inherited. But
as a nation, we must now demand more—not just from our leaders, but from
ourselves.
The next
SONA should not just be a speech from the podium—it should be our collective
declaration that the time for system change is now.
*About the author:
Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission
