Sunday, July 27, 2025

My Ample Reflection on the Thailand–Cambodia Conflict: Lessons the Philippines Must Learn in Defending the West Philippine Sea

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

When I started teaching Research and Doctrine Development at the Philippine Public Safety College in 1999, I, a very boyish-looking educator, never imagined that border conflicts—especially those occurring far from our shores—would profoundly shape my understanding of national sovereignty. The events unfolding between Thailand and Cambodia over their border dispute may seem geographically and politically distant from the Philippines, but as I watch the ongoing tensions in the West Philippine Sea, the parallels are both instructive and urgent.

Before rummaging through these lessons, allow me to lay some groundwork. When we talk about border conflicts, we refer to disputes over the physical delineation between two or more nations—often complicated by history, politics, and differing interpretations of international treaties. When these disagreements reach waters—like our situation in the West Philippine Sea—they evolve into maritime disputes, which involve overlapping claims of sovereignty over islands, fishing grounds, and exclusive economic zones (EEZs), as defined under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). And in the modern world, one of the few peaceful tools smaller nations like ours have in these disputes is arbitration—a legal mechanism where an international tribunal issues a binding ruling, such as the 2016 Hague decision, which invalidated China’s sweeping claims in our waters.

Now, the Thailand–Cambodia conflict is primarily land-based, revolving around areas like the Preah Vihear Temple, whose ownership was muddied by colonial cartography and later decisions by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Yet what resonates with me is not just the geography but the human behavior, the political miscalculations, and the institutional weaknesses that led a manageable disagreement into armed confrontation.

As a dedicated advocate of public safety, peacebuilding, and internationalism as the highest form of nationalism, I see a mirror image in the Philippines’ struggle in the West Philippine Sea. We, too, face a larger, more powerful neighbor. We, too, have turned to legal mechanisms—our landmark arbitration victory in 2016—only to face rejection by China and ambivalence from many in the international community. What valuable insights can we gain from the experiences of our neighbors?

Lesson One: Legal Clarity is Non-Negotiable

Upon studying the Thai-Cambodian case, the first thing that struck me was the potential consequences of ambiguous or politically manipulated historical documents. Despite the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling in 1962 favoring Cambodia’s sovereignty over Preah Vihear temple, the court did not settle the territorial status of the surrounding lands. The result? Ten years of simmering mistrust culminated in conflicts, leading to the reassertion of the ruling in 2013 and its subsequent contestation in 2025.

In our case, we must treat the 2016 Arbitral Tribunal ruling under the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) not merely as a trophy of legal victory, but as a cornerstone of enduring national policy. It defines our maritime entitlements and delegitimizes China’s expansive and historically unsound “nine-dash line.” Yet, I have told many young scholars, police officers, and policy students that if a ruling is not asserted, it is wasted. Cambodia maintained the legal clarity of its ICJ victory until it gained both verbal and practical recognition. Likewise, the Philippines must integrate the arbitral ruling into every level of statecraft—from bilateral engagements to UN speeches to educational curricula. Our laws, media narratives, and even community-level awareness must reflect this clarity.

Clarity must not be confused with rigidity. We must defend our claims without becoming diplomatically immovable. We should remain open to collaborative arrangements on resources or scientific research—but these must always proceed from the baseline of our legal victory. As history shows, clarity in claim allows flexibility in cooperation. Ambiguity breeds conflict.

Lesson Two: Guard Against Nationalism Turning into Demagoguery

I have seen how nationalism, when anchored in dignity and truth, is a source of strength. But I’ve also seen how, when weaponized by politicians or media, it becomes a reckless force.

In the Thailand–Cambodia conflict, nationalism became a convenient tool for political survival. Leaders in both countries, especially when facing domestic unrest or electoral instability, revived historical grievances to rally support. What followed were armed skirmishes, border closures, and widespread displacement—all in the name of patriotic assertion.

In the Philippines, we follow a similar path. Chinese incursions justify our collective outrage, particularly when they ram our coast guards or harass our fishermen in their ancestral waters. But as an international diplomacy researcher, I’ve seen how unfiltered rhetoric can backfire. Public statements that provoke rather than persuade can trap us in a cycle of escalation. Foreign policy must be grounded in strategic nationalism—not performative outrage.

We must also be wary of political actors who use sovereignty issues to distract from governance failures. True patriotism involves supporting our military and fisherfolk not just through words, but by strengthening our maritime capabilities, our legal diplomacy, and public awareness. Our leaders must rise above using nationalism as fuel for popularity and instead wield it as a compass for prudent, long-term action.

Lesson Three: ASEAN Must Grow Up

The impotence of ASEAN during the Thai–Cambodian conflict was one of the most disappointing revelations in my research. Despite its mechanisms—like the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, the ASEAN Regional Forum, and the High Council—ASEAN failed to mediate effectively. The principle of "non-interference" resulted in paralysis for ASEAN's ability to act.

In our context, this notion is dangerously relevant. ASEAN’s muted response to China’s aggressive behavior in the West Philippine Sea is not just disappointing—it weakens regional solidarity. The Philippines must be bold enough to lead—not by issuing ultimatums, but by pushing for institutional reforms.

We should champion a “Code of Conduct with Consequences” in the South China Sea, strengthen the ASEAN Secretariat’s authority to mediate maritime conflicts, and encourage Track 1.5 and Track 2 dialogues that allow experts and civil society to keep communication channels open when diplomacy stalls. In an era of transnational threats—climate change, terrorism, illegal fishing—ASEAN cannot afford to be merely ceremonial. Today, functional institutions, not just flags, defend sovereignty by speaking and acting when one of their own is in danger.

Lesson Four: Civilian Presence is Power

One of the more constructive developments in the Thai–Cambodian border standoff was the effort to build peace from the ground up: joint cultural programs, shared markets, Buddhist pilgrimage access, and community-level patrols helped cool tempers—until politics got in the way.

In the Philippines, particularly in the Kalayaan Island Group and Scarborough Shoal, we have an opportunity to assert presence beyond military deployments. Civilian infrastructure—such as schools, renewable energy sites, marine research centers, and even artist residencies—can strengthen our claim. The law recognizes effective occupation, and nothing is more effective than life itself. Where there is family, there is sovereignty.

We should also consider governance based on ecosystems. Empower local fisherfolk cooperatives, encourage scientists to map coral habitats, and let the islands be learning hubs for our youth. The presence of a child in a classroom in Kalayaan sends a stronger message to the international community than a gunboat. Soft presence, if done wisely, can be a challenging claim.

Lesson Five: Human Security is National Security

The Cambodian conflict displaced over 150,000 civilians. Homes were bombarded, schools shuttered, and lives upended. And yet, many analysts gloss over those events in favor of geopolitical narratives.

In our case, we often speak of the West Philippine Sea in legal or military terms—but forget the people most affected. Filipino fisherfolk in Masinloc, Palawan, and Pangasinan face daily intimidation. Their boats are boarded. Their livelihoods are choked. Some have even quit fishing altogether, migrating to urban slums or informal jobs.

Human security must be at the heart of maritime policy. We need localized emergency protocols for harassment incidents, fuel subsidies for distant fishing trips, cooperatives that can collectively bargain or ship catch, and a maritime social safety net. We also need to integrate maritime awareness into public education so young Filipinos grow up understanding both their rights and responsibilities in defending our marine wealth.

If we cannot protect our people, we cannot protect our territory. The map may say “Philippines,” but only when our people thrive in those waters do we truly own them.

Lesson Six: Coalitions Are Crucial

Cambodia, for all its legal strength, struggled because it lacked robust allies. Thailand, with a more diversified global portfolio, could leverage economic and political alliances to its advantage.

The Philippines enjoys a strategic edge in this regard. Several key democracies, including Japan, Australia, the United States, and increasingly the European Union, align with us. The Quad and other Indo-Pacific platforms offer support not just militarily but diplomatically and economically. These coalitions can help amplify our legal narrative and push back against coercion.

But our partnerships must be principled. We cannot trade the 2016 ruling for promises of aid or temporary protection. Our allies must respect and reinforce our legal foundations. Additionally, we must expand coalition-building beyond governments: academic exchanges, joint university research on maritime law, civil society dialogues, and diaspora lobbying are equally powerful

I often tell my former Public Safety Directorial Staff Course students in a Viber group that their greatest ally is not always a navy; it might instead be a foreign non-government organization that cites their cause or a documentary that garners international empathy. Coalitions built on truth, law, and trust will outlast those built on weapons alone.

Conclusion: A Call to Collective Reflection

As I reflect on these lessons, I am reminded that conflict is never inevitable. It is made—or avoided—by the decisions of leaders, the strength of institutions, and the vigilance of citizens. The Thailand–Cambodia border conflict may seem like a distant matter, but its implications echo loudly for us in the Philippines, especially as we confront our own maritime challenges in the West Philippine Sea.

We cannot afford to wait for another flashpoint or allow history to repeat itself due to inaction. We must strengthen our legal position, support our citizens, reform ASEAN, and build national unity—not through emotional outrage or performative rhetoric, but through thoughtful, strategic patriotism grounded in truth and law.

More importantly, we must prepare our next generation of leaders, scholars, and diplomats to understand these conflicts not just as matters of statecraft but as human stories—stories of communities disrupted, laws tested, and ideals defended under pressure. These are not distant narratives; they are blueprints for future peace and justice.

In educational forums, I often emphasize that sovereignty is not about dominance, but rather about uncovering the underlying truth and conveying the enduring narrative of legitimacy and resilience.

Let us stand on that truth. Let us assert it with dignity. And let us defend our seas not only for today, but for every Filipino child who will one day cast a fishing line into those waters, believing—rightfully—that they are home, protected by both history and the conscience of a vigilant nation.

 

References

 • ASEAN Briefing. (2025, July 26). Thailand–Cambodia Border Clashes: Causes, Escalation, and ASEAN Impact.

 • Crisis Group. (2011, December 6). Waging Peace: ASEAN and the Thai–Cambodian Border Conflict. Crisis Group Asia Briefing.

 • E-IR. (2025, July 4). Sovereignty Performed, Regionalism Denied: What the Thai–Cambodian Clash Reveals.

 • Emmers, R. (2003). Maritime Security and the South China Sea: Strategic Rationale, Interests and Approaches. Journal of Contemporary Asia.

 • RSIS. (2025). CO11021: Thai–Cambodian Skirmishes: Endangering ASEAN’s Raison d’ĂȘtre? RSIS Republic of Singapore.

 • Setyawati, D., & Nurulita, A. (2025). The Role of ASEAN in Dispute Resolution between Thailand and Cambodia. ILDISEA, Univ. Negeri Semarang.

 • The Guardian. (2025, July 26). Cambodia and Thailand Continue Fighting Despite Trump Claim of Ceasefire Talks.

 • Time. (2025, June–July). What to Know About the Thailand–Cambodia Border Dispute.

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission



Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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