Dr. John’s Wishful is a blog where stories, struggles, and hopes for a better nation come alive. It blends personal reflections with social commentary, turning everyday experiences into insights on democracy, unity, and integrity. More than critique, it is a voice of hope—reminding readers that words can inspire change, truth can challenge power, and dreams can guide Filipinos toward a future of justice and nationhood.

Showing posts with label Bongbong. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bongbong. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 26, 2025

How Not to Be a PNP Chief: A Reflection on the Torre Situation

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD,EdD


Introduction

One of the most delicate and important positions in our country is that of Chief of the Philippine National Police (PNP). Maintaining peace and order, respecting the rule of law, and making sure that the faith of those in uniform is not betrayed are all difficult tasks for the PNP Chief, who leads almost 200,000 policemen. Being in the office is about being honest, disciplined, and serving the public, not about being glamorous or showy.

As someone who has worked directly with several of our police chiefs, I write this observation in addition to my role as an academician, public safety advocate, political analyst, and former professor. When I was mentoring these outstanding officers and gentlemen in the Directorial Staff Course at the Philippine Public Safety College in the 381-hour Module on Doctrine Development, I was very young at that time. From General Leonardo Espina to General Rommel Marbil, with the exception of General Oscar Albayalde, I had the honor of educating nearly every PNP Chief in the concept of SFA Testing and SET Approach in developing doctrines and policies in public safety and law enforcement. However, like it or not, every professor has a favorite, and for me, that favorite is Generals Dionard Carlos and Vicente Danao; as students, I have witnessed them preparing for the immense responsibilities that come with leadership and organizational development. But General Nicolas Torre was never a student of mine, and maybe that is important. My viewpoint is one of introspection rather than malice, contrasting Torre's behavior with what I have observed in other chiefs of the Philippine National Police.

This perspective is intended to personalize the lesson rather than to degrade it. The Torre case serves as a reminder of the vulnerability of leadership when it is driven more by ambition, ego, and conceit than by service. It forces me to consider twelve things that a PNP chief should not do—lessons that apply to him as well as to anyone who will eventually be given this honorable responsibility.

1. Putting Politics Over Service

The PNP is mandated by law to remain apolitical, especially during elections. Yet political ambition has often crept into police leadership. Torre’s tendency to position himself for a future political career while still in uniform exemplified the dangers of mixing politics with policing.

Writers like Mangahas (2016) remind us that too many Philippine police chiefs have acted as “political brokers,” using their positions to secure influence beyond their terms. This corrodes institutional independence and transforms the PNP into a political tool rather than a professional service. A Chief who treats the position as a campaign launchpad weakens democracy itself.

2. Living for Social Media Content

The rise of social media has blurred the line between governance and entertainment. Torre leaned heavily into vlogging, livestreaming, and personal branding. While communication strategies are important, leadership by spectacle dilutes substance.

Scholars like Pertierra (2019) point out how political figures in the Philippines increasingly use social media to project charisma rather than competence. For a police chief, this shift is particularly dangerous: the PNP must project professionalism, not gimmickry. Torre’s obsession with online content may have raised his personal profile, but it diminished the dignity of the office.

3. Picking Fights Instead of Building Bridges

Leadership in policing requires diplomacy, both within the organization and with civilian overseers. Torre’s confrontations with the Secretary of the Interior and Local Government (SILG) and his tendency to pick fights with fellow generals revealed a confrontational leadership style. Instead of unifying the organization, Torre deepened divisions.

Bayley (2006) reminds us that effective democratic policing depends on cooperation and inter-agency collaboration. Chiefs who thrive on conflict project instability and disunity. Torre’s inability to manage relationships weakened institutional coherence.

4. Treating Boxing Rings as Police Work

Perhaps the most humiliating episodes in Torre’s tenure involved reports of physical altercations resembling boxing matches with rivals. Such behavior trivialized the seriousness of police leadership.

Policing requires moral courage and administrative competence, not physical brawls. Skolnick and Fyfe (1993) long warned that excessive reliance on force—even symbolically—destroys public trust. By treating personal disputes as arenas for machismo, Torre diminished the professional image of the police.

5. Ignoring Oversight Reversals

Oversight institutions exist to ensure accountability. When the Napolcom reversed or corrected Torre’s decisions, his dismissive response revealed arrogance. Rather than reassessing his choices, Torre doubled down.

The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (2020) has documented how accountability bodies like Napolcom are often undermined by leaders who resent oversight. Yet in a democracy, checks and balances are meant to strengthen—not weaken—leadership. Torre’s disregard for oversight showed a failure to grasp democratic governance.

6. Building a Cult of Personality

One of Torre’s most visible flaws was his obsession with cultivating a fan base. His leadership seemed to revolve around personal image rather than institutional reform. Cheerleaders and sycophants surrounded him, inflating his sense of invincibility.

Kellerman (2004) warns us about leaders who thrive on flattery and mistake it for loyalty. In a culture where utang na loob (debt of gratitude) often shapes loyalty, Torre’s court of flatterers only deepened his detachment from reality.

7. Confusing Popularity with Authority

A crucial distinction exists between popularity and authority. Torre mistook trending hashtags and supportive rallies for institutional respect. Yet Reiner (2010) emphasizes that real authority in policing derives from legitimacy, fairness, and professional integrity—not online noise.

Inside the PNP, popularity counts for little if not backed by trust from the rank-and-file. Torre’s fixation on spectacle alienated many officers who expected leadership, not grandstanding.

8. Running Ahead of Time

Even before his retirement, Torre appeared to position himself as a future political candidate. This blurred the line between duty and ambition. A Chief who campaigns while in uniform betrays his oath of service.

As Hernandez (2017) points out, democratic consolidation requires police neutrality. When Chiefs openly prepare for politics, they transform the PNP into a political weapon rather than a professional force. Torre’s ambition undermined both his credibility and the institution’s neutrality.

9. Forgetting the Men and Women in Uniform

The true measure of leadership lies in how one treats the rank-and-file. Torre’s preoccupation with self-promotion left little room for addressing officer welfare. Complaints from within the PNP about low morale underscored this disconnect.

Research by Roberg, Novak, Cordner, and Smith (2017) shows that leadership focused on personnel welfare directly correlates with organizational effectiveness. Torre’s neglect of his men and women revealed leadership more concerned with the mirror than the troops.

 

10. Believing One’s Own Hype

Perhaps Torre’s gravest error was believing his own myth. Surrounded by sycophants and buoyed by social media applause, he seemed to think himself untouchable. Yet institutions always outlive personalities.

History is full of leaders who overestimated their invincibility, only to be unseated abruptly. Torre’s fall reflects what Kellerman (2004) warns us about—leaders who mistake self-promotion for legitimacy often collapse swiftly when reality intrudes.

11. Weaponizing Connections and Name-Dropping

Torre often invoked supposed ties to powerful figures as shields. Yet reliance on connections over competence exposes insecurity. Sidel (1999) observed long ago how “bossism” thrives in Philippine politics, where connections outweigh merit. Torre’s constant name-dropping echoed that same culture of patronage.

True leadership in the PNP cannot be borrowed—it must be exercised with integrity. Chiefs who lean on patrons invite both suspicion and resentment.

12. Prioritizing Ego Over Country

At the core of Torre’s failures was ego. Decisions seemed driven more by pride than principle. Ego-centered leadership corrodes public trust and distorts decision-making.

Public service is not about preserving face; it is about serving the people. A Chief who prioritizes ego inevitably harms the institution he is sworn to protect.

Historical and Personal Reflections

Torre’s case is not unique. Past PNP Chiefs have faced similar controversies. From accusations of corruption to allegations of political bias, the office has often been tarnished by personal ambition. During the Arroyo administration, questions of loyalty divided the police leadership (Quah, 2011). Under Duterte, the “war on drugs” exposed the PNP to charges of human rights abuses (Curato, 2016). In each instance, failures of leadership eroded institutional trust.

As a professor who has taught many of Torre’s predecessors, I reflect on these patterns with both sadness and resolve. I know firsthand that there are leaders who rise with humility and integrity, and others who stumble because of pride. Torre’s downfall is part of a larger story: when the PNP Chief forgets that he is a steward of the institution rather than its owner, the cracks always show.

Conclusion

The Torre situation reminds us that the PNP Chief must never be larger than the institution. Leadership that thrives on spectacle, politics, and ego collapses under its own weight. The twelve ways not to be a Chief—putting politics over service, living for clout, picking fights, turning disputes into boxing, ignoring oversight, cultivating personality cults, confusing popularity with authority, running ahead of time, neglecting the rank-and-file, believing one’s own hype, weaponizing connections, and prioritizing ego—are not just about one man. They are about what the institution must resist.

I reflect on this not only as a writer but as a teacher who has guided many of Torre’s predecessors. I know what good leadership can look like when humility, discipline, and integrity guide the man at the top. Torre’s downfall is not merely his own—it is a cautionary tale for all future leaders of the PNP. The badge is not a brand but a trust. The uniform is not a costume for ambition but a symbol of service. And the title of Chief is not about the man but about the nation he swore to protect.

References

• Bayley, D. H. (2006). Changing the guard: Developing democratic police abroad. Oxford University Press.

• Curato, N. (2016). Politics of anxiety, politics of hope: Penal populism and Duterte’s rise to power. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 91–109.

• Hernandez, C. (2017). Police neutrality and democratic consolidation in the Philippines. Philippine Journal of Public Policy, 17(2), 45–67.

• Kellerman, B. (2004). Bad leadership: What it is, how it happens, why it matters. Harvard Business Review Press.

• Mangahas, M. (2016). Policing and politics in the Philippines. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, 64(2), 151–174.

• Pertierra, R. (2019). Social media and politics in the Philippines. Asian Journal of Communication, 29(2), 161–175.

• Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ). (2020). Oversight and accountability in Philippine policing. PCIJ Reports.

• Quah, J. S. T. (2011). Curbing corruption in Asian countries: An impossible dream? Emerald Group Publishing.

• Reiner, R. (2010). The politics of the police (4th ed.). Oxford University Press.

• Roberg, R., Novak, K., Cordner, G., & Smith, B. (2017). Police & society (7th ed.). Oxford University Press.

• Sidel, J. T. (1999). Capital, coercion, and crime: Bossism in the Philippines. Stanford University Press.

• Skolnick, J. H., & Fyfe, J. J. (1993). Above the law: Police and the excessive use of force. Free Press.

Top of Form

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 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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Wednesday, August 13, 2025

Governor Reynaldo Tamayo Jr.: The Quiet Leader Who Might Surprise the Nation in 2028

by Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

Watching the Gilas Pilipinas basketball game as usual on my 85-inch flat TV revealed a shameful margin of defeat. I reflect internally, "These are prominent millionaire athletes, and this is the sole manner in which they can contribute points on the basketball court in representation of our nation." In a snap, I contemplate the 2028 presidential race as an academician, researcher, public safety advocate, and political spectator with a digging critical thought; the names that crop up tend to be familiar—either borne by dynasties or mass-media celebrities. Similar to the Gilas Pilipinas team, all the players are superstars; however, there may be someone even more talented quietly sitting on the bench somewhere in the country. In the concept of genuine public service, there’s a figure quietly rising in the country’s provincial heartland who might just surprise us all: Governor Reynaldo “Jun” Tamayo Jr. of South Cotabato. His steady leadership, grounded humility, and unwavering public service may not garner headlines, but they are the very qualities that often win hearts in the end.

Governor Tamayo’s public record is one of tangible impact. Under his administration, South Cotabato strengthened its reputation for transparency and good governance, earning repeated recognition, including the prestigious Seal of Good Local Governance, and being named the most competitive province in Region XII (South Cotabato government, 2025). Such praise isn’t lip service—it’s a testament to effective, accountable leadership that delivers public value consistently.

Tamayo also championed progressive social policies. His administration launched programs for free education, free hospitalization, and mechanization of rice production—initiatives aimed at uplifting marginalized sectors and reducing the daily burdens of ordinary Filipinos (South Cotabato government, 2025). Such programs reflect a leader who doesn’t just promise improvement—he builds it.

Beyond local innovations, Tamayo has demonstrated leadership on a national scale. In 2022, he was elected president of the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP), positioning him at the forefront of a rising political movement (Rappler, 2022). And from July 2025 to 2028, he was unanimously re-elected as National President of the League of Provinces of the Philippines, making him only the second governor in its history to hold that position for two successive terms (South Cotabato News, 2025). These roles are not ceremonial. They reflect his peers’ trust in his integrity, unity-driven leadership, and vision for provincial governance.

Despite facing political opposition and misinformation, Tamayo enjoys overwhelming support among his constituents. A March 2025 survey revealed he enjoys a remarkable 92.7% approval among registered voters in South Cotabato, dwarfing rivals—an extraordinary validation of public trust (South Cotabato News, 2025). This suggests that even when politics turns contentious, his character and service endure in the public’s esteem.

What makes Tamayo especially compelling is his grounded persona. He embodies humility and empathy—not flashy charisma but a sincere kind of leadership. He initiated a grassroots advocacy campaign called the Reinforced Services Taskforce (RST) back in 2010, aimed at bringing communities, leaders, and stakeholders together for shared service and progress (MindaNews, 2024). He aimed to rally communities towards a shared vision, without resorting to grandstanding or empty slogans.

I also consider notable the absence of elitist airs in his approach. He focuses on addressing everyday challenges—like access to healthcare, education, and agricultural modernization—without the need for political theatrics. That sensibility stands out in contrast to many national figures who rely more on spectacle than substance. Tamayo’s leadership is rooted in quiet action, mutual respect, and tangible results.

This combination of traits—humble leadership, consistent service, peer-validated influence, and deep constituent trust—naturally positions him as a political underdog, building momentum not through hype but through reputation and performance. As Inquirer opinion writers have noted, the nation yearns for reform-oriented, non-dynastic leaders—“dark horses” who emerge through public service and integrity, not political inheritance or showmanship (Inquirer, 2025). Tamayo has the potential to fulfill this role. I confidently predict a significant surprise victory for him if he stays true to himself and distances himself from supporters and political managers who are just taking advantage of his kindness for monetary and opportunity purposes.

It’s easy to underestimate leaders like him, whose work is embedded in the rhythm of local governance. However, politics often surprises us when these leaders rise to higher positions. The electorate in 2028 wants someone untarnished by dynasty politics, respected by peers, and proven in service; Tamayo has already built the foundation. In this era of monetarily operated political climates, this provincial governor from Mindanao stands out as the best alternative public servant suited to administering our nation.

In summary, my purpose in writing this blog is not to support a potential presidential candidate, but rather to offer the Filipino people an alternative option for their ballot in 2028. Governor Reynaldo Tamayo Jr. isn’t flashy, and he isn’t trying to be. He’s a servant-leader whose character, empathy, and results quietly command trust and affection. In a contest where integrity, track record, sincerity, patriotism, and substance may again outweigh celebrity and name recall, he stands ready to emerge—not as a long shot, but as a genuine contender whose leadership resonates with Filipinos searching for genuine change for a progressive, responsible, and organized democracy toward a realizable sustainable national development.

The essence of a dark horse isn’t being unknown—it’s being unassuming but real. 


References

Inquirer Opinion. (2025, February 18). Dark horses for the 2028 presidential race. Philippine Daily Inquirer

MindaNews. (2024, September 22). SoGovernor Tamayo of South Cotabato announces his bid for a third term. Mindanews. 

Rappler. (2022, July 28). Who is Reynaldo Tamayo Jr., the new head of governors in the Philippines? Rappler. 

South Cotabato News. (2025, March 21). Gov. Tamayo enjoys full support from South Cotabateños amid desperate political attacks. SouthCotabatoNews.com. 

South Cotabato News. (2025, July 25). Gov. Reynaldo Tamayo Jr. re-elected as LPP national president for 2025–2028. SouthCotabatoNews.com. 

South Cotabato Government. (2025). Programs in South Cotabato under Governor Tamayo: Free education, free hospitalization, mechanization of rice production, and good governance recognition. South Cotabato'sfficial data summary.

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*About the author:


Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

Friday, August 8, 2025

Too Many Good Filipino People, Yet the Wrong Ones are Appointed to Lead and Manage

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope,

There are moments when I pause—when the headlines feel too familiar, when another incompetent appointee takes oath, when another press release speaks of “change” as if it hasn’t been promised a thousand times before—and I can’t help but ask, quietly but urgently:

Why? Why is it so difficult to find the right people to lead this country?

This question haunts me, not just as a citizen, but as someone who still dares to believe in the power of good governance. We have over 111 million Filipinos. Are you telling me that in this sea of talent, of bright minds and kind hearts, we still end up with officials whose main qualification is proximity to power?

How many times have we heard this? A Cabinet secretary who knows nothing about their department. A bureau chief appointed because of loyalty, not legacy. A government spokesperson consistently distorts facts and disseminates false information while maintaining a professional demeanor. And all of us—tayong mga Pilipino—we watch, we ache, and yet we endure.

It’s exhausting.

And what’s worse is that we’ve become so used to the dysfunction that it no longer shocks us. We’ve been conditioned to expect incompetence, to brace for disappointment. We celebrate mediocrity because we're desperate for even a bit of honesty, a little competence, a little care.

However, I refuse to compromise on standards.

I am weary of maintaining the facade that this situation is acceptable—that public service has become merely a playground for the powerful and a retirement plan for those who are loyal and sycophantic. We, the populace, are compelled to endure the repercussions of their appointments as they slumber comfortably in air-conditioned luxury. However, it is important to recognize that this matter cannot be generalized. Still, we need to look at reality!

What happened to public service being a calling?

What happened to integrity? To vision? What happened to the kind of leadership that listens, makes sacrifices, and understands?

Don’t tell me we don’t have people like that. I’ve met them. I’ve worked with them. Some are teachers who spend their own money so their students can have school supplies. Some are nurses who work overtime without receiving pay. Some are local officials who quietly clean up communities without needing press coverage. Some are scholars, innovators, civil servants, students, retirees—ordinary Filipinos with extraordinary hearts.

But they’re not in Malacañang. They’re not in the Cabinet. They’re not holding the reins of agencies that shape the lives of millions.

And that’s what hurts.

We don’t have a shortage of qualified people. What we have is a crisis of values at the top. People are being chosen not for what they can give to the country but for what they can give to the President, to the KKK (Kamag-anak, Kaibigan, KaNegosyo), and to the powerful.

I’ve read the reform proposals. The frameworks. The roadmaps presented were idealistic in nature. I came across and read scholastic papers on structural reforms, mindset shifts, better leadership, and citizen participation. All noble. All true. But I’ve come to understand something simple and painful:

You cannot repair a broken system with people around you who are also broken.

And you cannot ask the nation to trust again if you continue to insult us with names we did not choose, with leaders we did not deserve, and with decisions made behind closed doors in rooms we cannot enter.

We are told to wait. To understand. We are advised to exercise patience.

But we’ve waited for decades. We’ve understood far too much. And our patience is bleeding into resignation.

Still… I would rather not give up.

Giving up would allow them to emerge victorious. The corrupt, the incompetent, the manipulative, and the indifferent thrive. They thrive when good people grow tired. They succeed when our anger turns into silence.

So maybe this reflection is also a cry—for courage. We must persistently inquire, insist, and maintain our conviction that the appropriate individuals exist—and they merit an opportunity to contribute.

Perhaps it is time for us to shift our focus from solely examining those at the highest levels and begin fostering growth from the grassroots. Maybe we empower the young leaders, the teachers, the health workers, the reformists, and the quiet warriors who serve with integrity even when no one is watching.

And maybe—just maybe—one day soon, the President, or the next one, will look beyond political debts and start choosing with wisdom. With conscience. We possess an understanding of the past.

We don't demand perfection. We’re just asking for leaders who won’t betray the country they’ve sworn to serve.

As for me, a hopeless hopeful hoping for hope, I write. I speak. I stand.

Because our nation deserves voices, not whispers. Action, not apathy. Truth, not silence.

________________________________________________________________________

*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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