Dr. John’s Wishful is a blog where stories, struggles, and hopes for a better nation come alive. It blends personal reflections with social commentary, turning everyday experiences into insights on democracy, unity, and integrity. More than critique, it is a voice of hope—reminding readers that words can inspire change, truth can challenge power, and dreams can guide Filipinos toward a future of justice and nationhood.

Showing posts with label SOGO Hotel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SOGO Hotel. Show all posts

Sunday, November 9, 2025

The Sumbungero Phenomenon: Institutional Fear and the Crisis of Trust in Modern Organizations

  *Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

When I was in high school—an exclusive school for boys known for its strict discipline and structured routines—I first witnessed the formative power of fear. The corridors were lined with rules that demanded not only respect but also quiet conformity. It was a place where perfection was idealized and mistakes, though human, were treated as moral failures.


One day, a Playboy magazine circulated among my classmates. It was a trivial act of adolescent curiosity, yet within the confines of our highly controlled environment, it was considered a grave transgression. The magazine passed from hand to hand until, by some twist of chance, it ended up in my bag. The next morning, our teacher confronted the class, demanding the name of the culprit. No one spoke. Fear filled the room—palpable, heavy, almost sacred. Then, a classmate, trembling but determined to save himself, pointed at me.


That moment became my first education on the anatomy of fear. My accuser was not evil; he was terrified. He sought refuge in accusation to avoid punishment. What I learned that day went far beyond the boundaries of our classroom. I learned that fear, when institutionalized, does not produce discipline—it breeds survivalism. It turns communities into collections of individuals who act not from conviction but from avoidance.


Years later, as I entered the professional world—first in public service, later in private institutions—I recognized that the same behavioral mechanism had simply evolved in form, not in essence. The Sumbungero I met in high school had grown up and found permanent residence in bureaucracies, offices, and corporate hierarchies. The same psychology persisted: individuals motivated by fear rather than principle, obedience mistaken for loyalty, and silence equated with professionalism.


In government, this phenomenon manifests through what I describe as institutionalized fear compliance. Subordinates conform not because they agree with directives, but because they are afraid to contradict authority. In the private sector, it appears as corporate silence—employees who tolerate managerial excesses for fear of losing employment or opportunities. In both domains, fear becomes an invisible form of governance, shaping behaviors more effectively than any policy manual or organizational code.


Within this context, the Sumbungero—the habitual informer or tattler—emerges as both symptom and instrument of fear. He represents a behavioral adaptation to an environment where honesty is dangerous and self-preservation is rewarded. By reporting selectively, often under the guise of vigilance, he positions himself as indispensable to authority. His role is parasitic yet symbiotic: he survives by feeding on distrust, while authority sustains him as a convenient channel of information.


The damage of such a culture is profound. Fear-based systems may achieve short-term efficiency but at the cost of long-term integrity and innovation. Individuals within such organizations become risk-averse and defensive. Creativity is suppressed, initiative declines, and morale erodes. People learn to perform rather than to believe. The illusion of order masks an undercurrent of resentment and insecurity.


Yet, not all fear is destructive. There exists what moral philosophers and organizational theorists call reverential fear—a fear grounded in respect rather than punishment. It is the kind of fear that compels a person to act ethically, not out of coercion, but out of conscience. In leadership, reverential fear emerges when subordinates respect their superiors’ integrity so deeply that they avoid wrongdoing not because they are afraid of retribution, but because they do not wish to disappoint.


Reverential fear is formative. It strengthens ethical awareness and nurtures accountability. It transforms compliance into voluntary discipline. It cultivates a sense of duty that transcends supervision. In contrast, punitive fear—fear imposed through threats and surveillance—produces mere submission, devoid of moral maturity.


The distinction is critical for both government and private institutions. The success of any organization depends not merely on control but on conviction. Where fear governs, integrity decays; where reverence governs, integrity thrives. Reverential fear humanizes leadership. It transforms authority from domination into guidance and discipline from punishment into learning.


Consider two contrasting organizations. In one, the leader’s presence silences discussion. Employees become cautious, measuring every word. Mistakes are hidden, and creativity suffocates. In another, the leader commands respect through consistency and fairness. His staff speak openly, knowing they will be corrected but not condemned. In the first, fear produces obedience. In the second, reverence produces excellence. The difference lies not in authority, but in the kind of fear that authority evokes.


In governance, this distinction is vital. Fear-based leadership may maintain temporary order, but it cannot build sustainable trust. When citizens or employees obey merely because they are afraid, the moral fabric of the institution weakens. Accountability must come not from fear of punishment, but from reverence for responsibility.


The Sumbungero culture, pervasive in many institutions today, thrives precisely where this moral foundation is absent. It is not a failure of individuals alone—it is a failure of systems that reward silence and punish honesty. The eradication of this culture requires a deliberate reorientation of leadership philosophy: from command to compassion, from surveillance to dialogue, from punishment to participation.


Reverential fear is not weakness; it is wisdom. It recognizes that authority must inspire rather than intimidate. It builds environments where people obey because they believe, not because they tremble. It restores moral balance to organizations that have confused discipline with domination.


When I look back at that classroom incident from my youth, I see it now not as humiliation, but as revelation. It showed me how easily truth can be lost in environments ruled by fear, and how deeply people long for leadership they can respect rather than dread. The lesson remains timeless: organizations—whether public or private—must replace fear that coerces with fear that enlightens.


A nation, like an institution, cannot thrive on fear. It can only endure through reverence—through that subtle, sacred fear of disappointing those who trust us, of failing the duties we have sworn to uphold, and of betraying the principles that give our work meaning.


That is the kind of fear worth keeping. It is not the fear of punishment but the fear of losing integrity. It is not fear of authority but fear of betraying the public trust. It is not fear that silences, but fear that strengthens.


Because in the end, the true measure of leadership is not how many people are afraid of you—it is how many people are afraid to let you down.

  _____

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

Tuesday, September 23, 2025

The SOGO Hotel Attack: Collateral Damage in the Anti-Corruption Uprising

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

 

While my daughter Juliana Rizalhea and I were enjoying the festivities of the Anti-Corruption Rally at the EDSA Shrine—where the atmosphere was almost festive, with songs, prayers, and a shared spirit of unity—chaos was breaking out elsewhere in Manila. EDSA was calm despite agitation attempts, the police presence was strong, and the people kept the rally peaceful. But in other parts of the city, particularly at Luneta, Mendiola, and most painfully at SOGO CM Recto, the story was very different. What was supposed to be a day of righteous indignation against corruption turned, for some, into a day of terror and destruction.

Inside SOGO CM Recto, September 21 began like any other. Couples checked in, travelers found respite from long journeys, employees carried out their routines with practiced smiles and gentle greetings. The hotel was not a symbol of power, not a political landmark, not even connected to the corruption being protested. It was simply a private establishment where ordinary people sought rest.

Then came the storm. A mob broke through, bringing with them the rage of the streets. Glass shattered, furniture overturned, fear spread instantly. Guests ran down hallways barefoot, some clutching belongings, others too shocked to think of anything but escape. Couples who minutes before had been laughing together and sharing intimate moments now clung to each other in fear. Employees tried to shield strangers, but they too were trembling, unprepared for such violence.

The funny thing is that out of all the establishments along Recto, it was SOGO that bore the brunt of the mob’s anger. The protesters claimed their target was Malacañang—the seat of power, the very symbol of what they opposed. Yet, somehow, their fury shifted toward a private hotel filled with innocent guests and workers. Why SOGO? Why not march straight to the Palace if Malacañang was the aim? The misdirection was as absurd as it was tragic. Instead of striking at government, the rage was unloaded on people who had nothing to do with the cause.

The images linger: glass shards scattered like wounds across the lobby floor, the echo of panicked footsteps, the sight of strangers comforting each other in desperation. The hotel that prided itself on being “So Clean, So Good” had, for one dreadful afternoon, become So Chaotic, So Unsafe.

And here lies the bitter irony. The Anti-Corruption Rally was supposed to be about justice, yet injustice fell upon those who never raised a placard. The people inside SOGO CM Recto had no stake in the protest, yet they bore its cost. And the haunting question remains: who will answer for their suffering?

The easy answer is the rallyists who smashed the doors, looted, and vandalized the rooms. But who among them can be identified, and who among them can pay? The hotel may be blamed, since innkeepers by law have a duty of care, but how could clerks and janitors be expected to defend against a mob? The government was there too, police stationed nearby, yet their presence did not prevent the chaos. And when the innocent look to the State for relief, they are met with the cold wall of state immunity, which declares the government cannot be sued unless it allows itself to be.

This is where the deepest injustice lies. Cars parked on Recto that day had windows smashed. Nearby sari-sari stores had their doors broken. Families in surrounding residences locked their gates, whispering prayers that the mob would not turn toward their street. They were not protesters. They were not agitators. They were not government. They were collateral damage. And in our present laws, collateral damage has no voice, no remedy, no guarantee of justice.

Democracy fails when it forgets the silent. Freedom of assembly is sacred, yes, but so too is the right of every citizen to safety, to property, to dignity. The Anti-Corruption Rally at EDSA showed the best of our people—disciplined, prayerful, hopeful. But what happened at Recto showed the worst of our system—where bystanders are left to fend for themselves, abandoned to fear and loss.

Other countries have already accepted the need to protect their innocents. In London, after the 2011 riots, the Riot (Damages) Act of 1886 was invoked to compensate shopkeepers and homeowners, because when order fails, the State must help rebuild. In France, a national fund exists to compensate victims of terrorism and violent acts, because the pain of the innocent is society’s responsibility. In India, courts have compelled governments to pay victims of riots when police failed to protect them. In the United States, after the Los Angeles riots of 1992, federal and state authorities provided relief programs to families and businesses, acknowledging that no citizen should be left to carry the cost of failed order.

If London shopkeepers, Paris café owners, Indian families, and American businesspeople could be compensated, why not Filipinos? Why not the couples who cowered in fear inside SOGO CM Recto, the drivers whose cars were smashed, the vendors whose stores were ransacked? Why must they be left to pursue endless lawsuits against nameless vandals, or worse, accept their loss in silence?

This is why I believe the tragedy of September 21 must become more than a memory. It must become a lesson and a call for reform. We need a Compensation for Collateral Damage Act. Such a law would not silence protests, nor would it criminalize assemblies. It would balance rights—protecting those who march while also protecting those who never marched at all. It would create a government-managed fund for swift compensation, perhaps supported by fees or bonds from rally organizers, to ensure that victims are paid within months, not years. It would hold the State accountable where it fails, while still allowing recovery from perpetrators later. Most importantly, it would affirm that the rights of the innocent are not secondary—they are sacred.

As I stood at EDSA with my daughter Juliana Rizalhea, I saw the peaceful face of protest. I saw a crowd that chose unity over violence, prayer over rage. It gave me hope. But as I later reflected on the broken doors of SOGO CM Recto and the silent suffering of those inside, I knew hope must be matched with action.

September 21, 2025 will forever be remembered as the Anti-Corruption Rally. But it should also be remembered as the day democracy revealed its blind spot—the day it forgot the innocent. The broken glass of SOGO CM Recto is not just wreckage; it is a symbol, a plea, a call to lawmakers. If we are wise, we will not let this incident fade into history as collateral. We will let it spark the birth of a law that tells every Filipino: your safety matters, your dignity matters, and never again will you be treated as collateral damage in your own democracy.

______________

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

 


 

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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