Cultivating Whole-hearted Citizens: A Human-Centered Story of Holistic Education

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

 

A Story, Not Just a Theory

Let me begin with a story. I recently met Dolfina, a bright yet often distracted high school senior in San Mateo, Rizal. She was always glued to her phone, navigating a sea of social media trends, buried in AI-generated content, and constantly anxious about grades and her future. But everything began to change when her school introduced a new, heart-centered curriculum: one that included liberal arts, ROTC-inspired training, industrial arts, home economics, and Good Manners and Right Conduct (GMRC).

Over time, I watched Dolfina transform—from a screen-tethered teen into a self-aware, responsible, and patriotic young woman. Her story isn’t rare—it’s a testimony to how holistic education can shape not just students, but the soul of a nation.

 

Liberal Arts: Lighting the Mind

Dolfina’s journey began with reading José Rizal’s letters, Bonifacio’s manifestos, and excerpts from Filipino scholars and philosophers. These weren’t just reading assignments—they were awakenings. She learned how to ask difficult questions, reason through conflicting opinions, and reflect deeply on civic duty and justice (Satchanawakul, 2025; Zampella, 2024).

Through liberal arts, Dolfina began to understand that being educated isn’t just about facts—it’s about knowing who you are, where you come from, and what kind of future you want to shape.

Military Training: Discipline and Love for Country

Through military training modules, based on a revived and redefined ROTC program, Dolfina learned something unexpected: that discipline wasn’t a punishment—it was empowerment. Whether she was learning first aid, participating in rescue simulations, or helping clean up a flooded neighborhood, she found pride in structure and service (Legaspi, 2022).

She no longer viewed patriotism as a vague ideal. It became a daily practice—showing up, stepping up, and giving back.

Industrial Arts & Home Economics: Learning by Doing

In her industrial arts class, Dolfina designed a water-saving device for her school garden. In home economics, she learned to plan healthy meals and manage a household budget. These skills weren’t about gender roles—they were about survival, dignity, and pride in work (Del Mundo, 2022; Soriano, 2022).

For the first time, she saw manual skills not as secondary but as equally valuable to academic achievements.

 

Good Manners & Right Conduct: Heartwork, Not Homework

Perhaps the most profound change came from the GMRC classes. Dolfina started treating others with greater kindness—offering her seat to elders, apologizing sincerely, and refusing to join in gossip. When she faced peer pressure to cheat in an online exam, she stood firm. Integrity, she realized, is built in the small, quiet decisions we make every day (Pimentel, 2022).

These moments helped her internalize a sense of moral compass—one that wouldn’t easily sway with trends or temptation.

 

Technology and the Digital Dilemma

Of course, her journey wasn’t without its challenges. AI tools made it easy to shortcut assignments. Social media spread fake news faster than facts. Dolfina even stumbled upon deepfakes and disinformation about Philippine history (Mazurczyk et al., 2023; Shanmugasundaram, 2023).

Thankfully, the same holistic curriculum taught her how to cross-check information, manage screen time, and stay rooted in truth. Digital literacy became part of her defense system—alongside critical thinking and moral clarity (Huang et al., 2024; Pérez-Juárez et al., 2024).

 

A Student, A Nation

The story of Dolfina is, in many ways, the story of our youth. Caught between fast-evolving technology and slow-changing social values, many students feel lost. But there is hope—when education shifts from simply filling minds to shaping character, from test scores to life purpose.

With the right curriculum, students like Dolfina become more than just achievers—they become responsible citizens with a deep love of country, respect for others, and a reverential fear of wrongdoing.

 

What Must Be Done

To ensure every Filipino student gets the same chance at transformation, the following steps are crucial:

 • Institutionalize GMRC in all grade levels to foster values-based decision-making (Pimentel, 2022).

 • Revive ROTC and civic service with emphasis on nation-building rather than militarism (Legaspi, 2022).

 • Expand access to industrial arts and home economics, particularly in underserved areas (Del Mundo, 2022; Soriano, 2022).

 • Elevate liberal arts education as essential for democracy, human rights, and critical thinking (Satchanawakul, 2025; Zampella, 2024).

 • Implement nationwide digital literacy programs, especially among Gen Z learners (Santos & Cruz, 2024; Mazurczyk et al., 2023).

 

From One Dolfina to a Generation

Dolfina is now applying to volunteer with a youth civic group and hopes to study community development in college. Her change wasn’t instant, but it was profound—and it began with the courage of her school to teach not just academics but life itself.

Multiply her by a million and imagine the future of our nation: empathetic, critical thinkers who serve their communities with courage and conscience.

Final Thoughts: Teaching the Heart

Our children live in a time where shortcuts are everywhere and silence is often rewarded. Yet we must teach them otherwise—that character still matters, that service still inspires, and that love of country isn’t outdated—it’s the foundation of everything positive.

Holistic education is not a luxury. It is a necessity for any nation that dreams of peace, progress, and genuine democracy.

Let us not just produce professionals—but patriots. Not just skilled workers—but wise and ethical citizens. In every Dolfina, there is a future. We only need to teach with heart, guide with values, and believe in what they can become.

 

References

Del Mundo, M. (2022). Home Economics and community empowerment. Philippine Journal of Educational Development, 9(1), 10–25.

Huang, S. et al. (2024). AI technology dependence and mental health among adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Mental Health, 58(4), 112–125.

Legaspi, A. (2022). Reviving ROTC for youth empowerment. Philippine Defense Review, 6(1), 33–46.

Mazurczyk, W. et al. (2023). Deepfakes and AI disinformation threats. Journal of Cybersecurity and Society.

Pérez‑Juárez, M. Á. et al. (2024). Digital distractions in higher education. Smart Learning Environments.

Pimentel, J. (2022). The return of GMRC in Philippine schools. Educational Insights Philippines, 7(3), 48–60.

Sanchez, C. & Cruz, M. B. (2024). Effects of AI use in student research. Globus Journal of Progressive Education, 14(1), 46–55.

Satchanawakul, N. (2025). The evolution of liberal arts education in Asia. Asian Journal of Higher Education.

Shanmugasundaram, M. (2023). Digital technology’s impact on cognition and self-control. Frontiers in Cognition, 7, 120307.

Soriano, H. (2022). Technical‑vocational education in rural communities. Development Horizons, 10(4), 41–58.

Zampella, T. (2024). Importance of liberal arts in disruptive change. Educational Research Quarterly.

Zhai, L. et al. (2024). AI writing tools and academic integrity. Journal of Education Ethics.

Understanding the Difference Among Political Party Merger, Coalition, and Alliance: A Case Reflection on the Collapse of Alyansa ng Bagong Pilipinas

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Introduction

In the often chaotic rhythm of Philippine politics, many people have become familiar with shifting loyalties, recycled slogans, and sudden political alliances. What we are less familiar with, however, are the deeper structures that shape those changes. The words “merger,” “coalition,” and “alliance” are often tossed around during interviews and campaign launches, yet most Filipinos are never really told what they truly mean—or why it matters.

This lack of clarity is more than just academic. It has real consequences. The Alyansa ng Bagong Pilipinas (ABP)—a political movement that once inspired hope for genuine reform—is a perfect example. Its collapse wasn’t simply because of external opposition but because of its own internal confusion, timing, and structural flaws.

Thus, there is a need to break down the differences among mergers, coalitions, and alliances, and by reflecting on the rise and fall of ABP—what it promised, what it failed to protect, and what future movements must learn.

 

Defining the Basics: Not All Political Agreements Are the Same

Before diving into the story of ABP, it’s important to understand the basic differences between a party merger, a coalition, and an alliance. While they may sound similar, each serves a different purpose in the political world.

A party merger is the most formal and legally binding of the three. It’s when two or more parties decide to dissolve themselves and form a completely new entity. This involves shared leadership, shared ideology, and a brand-new identity. It takes time, legal paperwork, and a serious commitment to unity (Dela Cruz, 2015).

A coalition, on the other hand, is more of a practical arrangement. It usually happens when different political parties decide to work together—often for elections or legislative work—without giving up their individual identities. Coalitions can be strong or fragile, depending on how clearly the rules are defined (Torres, 2015).

An alliance is the most informal. It’s usually built on mutual interests or convenience. Unlike a coalition or a merger, alliances don’t always require documentation or shared goals beyond short-term political advantage. They’re often personality-driven and tend to dissolve as quickly as they form, if there is no commonality of interest and shared vision.

In the Philippines, these distinctions are often blurred. This was one of the key problems ABP faced.

 

ABP: A Movement Born Out of Reform and Frustration

When the 2022 elections ushered in the administration of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Vice President Sara Duterte, there was a sense of both optimism and uncertainty. On one side, Marcos Jr.’s promise of a “Bagong Pilipinas” stirred a desire for modernization and reform. On the other, many were anxious about what would happen to the Duterte legacy, particularly in the areas of human rights and governance.

It was during this transitional moment that the Alyansa ng Bagong Pilipinas (ABP) was born. ABP wasn’t a traditional political party. It was a broad movement of professionals, youth leaders, civil society groups, and some former officials who felt that real systemic change was still possible—if not through traditional parties, then through a united reformist front.

Its platform included ambitious goals: eradicating corruption, promoting federalism, pushing for education reform, protecting the environment, and reviving Filipino values. These goals were attractive to people tired of political theatrics and dynastic control. But even with all its promise, ABP failed to do the one thing that mattered most: define itself clearly.

 

The Identity Crisis: What Exactly Was ABP?

From the beginning, ABP struggled with its own identity. Was it aiming to become a new political party? Was it a coalition of groups working toward reform? Or was it just a temporary alliance for the 2025 elections?

Different leaders within ABP had different answers. Some pushed for registration as a formal political party, complete with a constitution and membership rules. Others feared that this would alienate existing allies from other parties and insisted that ABP remain a loose coalition. Still others treated it as a convenient platform to boost their public profiles ahead of the next elections.

Without a unified answer, ABP became vulnerable. Local chapters sprung up without central coordination. Public figures joined without ideological vetting. Traditional politicians—many of whom had been part of the problem ABP was trying to solve—started using the alliance to clean up their public image.

What was once a hopeful movement slowly began to feel like just another political vehicle.

 

The Political Earthquake: Impeachment and Arrest

While ABP wrestled with its internal confusion, the Philippine political landscape was rocked by events that no one had fully anticipated.

In late 2024, Vice President Sara Duterte faced serious impeachment complaints. She was accused of misusing confidential funds and undermining her working relationship with President Marcos Jr. These complaints gained traction, and by early 2025, she became the first vice president in Philippine history to be impeached (Bagayas, 2025; Thornton, 2025).

Around the same time, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued and enforced an arrest warrant for former President Rodrigo Duterte. He was flown to The Hague to face charges related to human rights violations during his administration’s controversial war on drugs (ICC, 2025; HRW, 2025).

These events shook the Duterte political camp to its core. Many of their longtime allies were suddenly looking for a new political home—and some saw ABP as that home.

This influx of displaced political actors into ABP might have seemed like a victory. In truth, it marked the beginning of the end. With no strong vetting process in place, the movement was overwhelmed by personalities who had little interest in its original ideals. Reformists either left or were pushed aside.

 

Lessons from ABP’s Collapse

So, what really caused ABP to fall apart?

First, it lacked clarity of purpose. Was it a merger, a coalition, or an alliance? Without defining itself properly, it could not set boundaries or make strategic decisions.

Second, it had no internal structure. There was no governing body to enforce discipline or to keep members accountable. This made it easy for opportunists to hijack the platform.

Third, it lacked ideological screening. Anyone could join, regardless of whether they truly believed in the movement’s mission. This diluted its message and eroded public trust.

If there’s one painful truth the ABP experience teaches us, it’s this: good intentions are not enough. In Philippine politics, if you’re not structurally prepared, you will be swallowed by the very system you’re trying to reform.

 

Comparisons and Missed Opportunities

ABP’s experience is not unique. Other movements have gone through similar cycles. The Koalisyon ng Katapatan at Karanasan sa Kinabukasan (K4) in 2004 worked as a temporary coalition that successfully backed President Arroyo. It served its purpose and dissolved afterward—no confusion there (Reyes, 2015).

The United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) under Jejomar Binay had a more ambitious vision but failed due to leadership clashes and weak party-building (Villanueva, 2015).

Had ABP learned from these examples, it might have avoided many of its mistakes.

 

Reform Movements in a Dynasty-Driven System

The sad reality is that reform movements like ABP operate in a system rigged against them. Political dynasties still dominate local and national governance. Research shows that family-based political power is not only surviving—it’s growing (Acuna et al., 2024). These dynasties are skilled at adapting, forming new alliances, and even co-opting reformist language when it suits them.

In such a system, unstructured movements are easy prey. Without legal status, without leadership training, without an ideology people can cling to, movements like ABP become stepping stones for career politicians—not engines of change.

Worse, when these movements fail, they leave behind a trail of disillusionment. People who once believed in change become more cynical, thinking that maybe reform is impossible after all.

 

Moving Forward: What Must Be Done

Despite its collapse, ABP left behind valuable lessons for those who dare to dream of political reform in the Philippines.

Movements must be clear from the start about who they are and what they want to become. They must establish internal rules and structures, no matter how inconvenient or tedious that might seem. They must screen their members, protect their identity, and never compromise on their values just for visibility.

They must also communicate with the people consistently and transparently. The moment a movement loses its moral clarity or looks like it’s just another political brand, it begins to lose the trust of those who believed in it.

And above all, they must remember: movements take time. ABP may have risen too fast—relying on the momentum of the moment instead of building the muscles of sustainability.

 

Conclusion

The story of Alyansa ng Bagong Pilipinas is both a cautionary tale and a call to action. It reminds us that while passion, slogans, and moral outrage can ignite a fire, it is structure, vision, and discipline that will keep that fire burning.

As we move toward another election cycle, many new groups will emerge. Some will be born out of hope. Others will be manufactured out of political necessity. The challenge for all of us—citizens, scholars, reformers—is to ask the hard questions: Who are they? What do they stand for? Can they last?

Because if we continue to chase reform without preparation, we will continue to see movements like ABP rise and fall—leaving us, once again, with broken dreams and unfinished revolutions.

 

References

Acuna, R., Alejandro, A., & Leung, R. (2024). The families that stay together: A network analysis of dynastic power in Philippine politics. ArXiv Preprint.

Ayson, M. E. G., & Reyes, L. G. S. (2023). The Philippines 2022–2023: A turbulent start for the new era of Marcos leadership. Asia Maior.

Bagayas, J. P. P. (2025). Duterte’s impeachment and the spectacle of Philippine politics. East Asia Forum.

Dela Cruz, M. T. (2015). The dynamics of electoral coalitions in Philippine democracy. Institute of Political and Electoral Studies.

Human Rights Watch. (2024). Philippines: Duterte arrest a step forward for justice. HRW News.

International Criminal Court. (2025). Statement of the Office of the Prosecutor on the arrest of former Philippine President Rodrigo Roa Duterte. ICC Press Release.

NCCP. (2025). Statement on the Impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte. National Council of Churches in the Philippines.

Reyes, L. B. (2015). Power and personality in Philippine elections. Visayas Social Research Center.

Thornton, S. (2025, May 28). Historic impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte shakes Philippine politics. Broadsheet Asia.

Torres, J. C. (2015). Temporary alliances, permanent problems: The risks of political coalitions in weak democracies. Ateneo de Davao University Press.

Villanueva, S. M. (2015). The rise and fall of opposition movements in Philippine politics. Political Development Review.

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*About the author:
Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission

Lies, Trolls, and Truth on Trial: The Civil War on Information in the Philippines

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

I still remember when the internet first arrived in the Philippines—when it felt like a portal to learning, global connection, and democratized conversation. On March 29, 1994, our country was officially connected to the global internet, thanks to the efforts of the Department of Science and Technology (DOST), the Philippine Network Foundation (PHNet), and a collaboration with the University of San Carlos and ComNet (DOST-ICTO, 2014). We were the first Southeast Asian nation to establish a direct link to the global internet, and back then, it was a source of hope.

Fast forward to today, and it feels as though we are living in a very different digital reality—one where the internet has become a battleground for truth. We are not at war in the conventional sense, but make no mistake: we are caught in a silent, invisible war—a war of information. And the battleground? Our screens, our timelines, and the very platforms that once helped us find family, friends, and facts.

This war is not merely about differing political opinions. It is a struggle for control—over memory, over narratives, and ultimately, over the future of our nation. It pits the Presidential Communications Office (PCO) of the Marcos Jr. administration against Diehard Duterte Supporters (DDS)—a former ally faction that has now evolved into a powerful and vocal opposition force online. As these two camps clash, ordinary Filipinos find themselves dazed and disoriented in a digital storm of fake news, toxic polarization, political trolling, and systematic disinformation.

A Family Feud with National Consequences

The division between the PCO and the DDS wasn’t always this stark. In fact, many DDS influencers—vloggers, online personalities, and political strategists—once played key roles in Rodrigo Duterte’s rise to power. These were the very same people who flooded the digital space with “change is coming” slogans and pro-Duterte content during the 2016 elections. Today, many of them have shifted into adversarial roles, accusing the PCO of rewriting or whitewashing Duterte’s legacy.

It is akin to watching a family feud play out on a national stage, but with dangerous implications. This internal battle of influence now dominates digital media, especially on Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube. The consequence? A misinformed public, deeply polarized communities, and a democracy that is being steadily hollowed out.

The Rise of Disinformation—And Why We Fell for It

Disinformation is not a new phenomenon, but today’s version is vastly more sophisticated. Gone are the days when fake news was easy to spot—today, lies come dressed in the clothing of legitimacy. They mimic real news articles, quote out-of-context statistics, and are shared by people who look like your neighbor or friend.

Disinformation is also deeply emotional. It’s designed to provoke outrage, fear, or pride. This is why many of us have unknowingly forwarded or shared false content—a meme, a screenshot, a video clip. It taps into our emotions before we get the chance to think critically.

According to a 2022 Social Weather Stations (SWS) report, 78% of Filipinos regularly encounter fake news, primarily through social media (SWS, 2022). Alarmingly, many cannot distinguish between credible and fake sources. The speed of lies surpasses the speed of truth, and by the time fact-checkers correct the narrative, the falsehood has already gone viral.

 

Social Media: Mirror, Manipulator, and Battlefield

Initially hailed as tools of empowerment, social media platforms have transformed into manipulators of public thought. Their algorithms prioritize sensational, emotionally charged content—not accuracy. This leads to a digital environment where outrage gets rewarded and nuance gets buried.

In the Philippines, the dominance of Facebook and YouTube is especially pronounced. Influencers with millions of followers operate like independent media outlets, often without any editorial accountability. Misinformation flourishes when popularity trumps professionalism.

When traditional media outlets like ABS-CBN tried to push back or deliver fact-based reporting, they were labeled as biased—or worse, punished. The refusal of the Duterte administration to renew ABS-CBN’s franchise in 2020 was more than a legal matter—it was a clear political warning: challenge the narrative, and you will be silenced.

 

Trolls Are Not Just Annoying—They Are Architects of Division

Online trolls in the Philippines are not merely random frustrated users—they are organized socmed consultants of political machinery. They launch coordinated campaigns, distort narratives, and amplify propaganda. Their job is to control the narrative and suppress dissent.

This troll ecosystem plays a major role in the ongoing PCO vs. DDS conflict. For instance, vloggers like Sass Rogando Sasot and Trixie Cruz-Angeles, once staunch defenders of the administration, are now vocal critics of Marcos Jr.’s communication strategy. They challenge the PCO’s messaging while defending the Duterte legacy, often using social media to drive a wedge between their followers and other political blocs.

This creates an ecosystem where truth becomes optional, and political loyalty becomes a currency for influence and power.

 

When Truth Becomes a Casualty

The impact of this information war extends beyond cyberspace. It is reshaping how Filipinos think, engage, and vote.

First, this war has led to deep societal polarization. Political identities like “DDS,” “Kakampink,” or “Marcos Loyalist” have become tribal labels, reducing our shared Filipino identity to partisan echo chambers.

Second, it has weakened civic engagement and democratic discourse. Instead of discussing national policy or global economics, online debates focus on who embarrassed whom in a viral video. Critical thought is replaced by reactionary fandom.

Third, the credibility of public institutions has been severely compromised. People now doubt the judiciary, the Church, the press, the schools—even their own communities. In such an environment, manipulation thrives and public trust deteriorates.

Perhaps the most heartbreaking consequence is its effect on young people. Raised in a digital environment of cynicism and misinformation, many of our youth are growing up believing that truth is relative, that political influence is more important than ethical leadership, and that popularity equals credibility.

 

Disinformation is an Economic Issue Too

While disinformation is largely discussed as a political problem, it also has far-reaching economic implications.

Firstly, when foreign investors observe instability, propaganda-driven governance, and a compromised media environment, they grow hesitant. Why would they invest in a country where policy direction is influenced by social media influencers?

Secondly, many trolls and content manipulators are exploited laborers. Often from impoverished communities, they are professionals to spread lies without contracts, health benefits, or accountability. These individuals are digital cannon fodder, trapped in an exploitative gig economy.

Third, the Philippines’ global reputation is at risk. Being branded as a “fake news capital” damages our attractiveness to foreign businesses, travelers, and international partners. Even our booming BPO sector, which thrives on global trust, may be affected if clients perceive our information environment as unreliable.

Is There a Way Out?

Yes—but not without cultural transformation. Fixing this problem is not just about banning troll farms or creating new laws. It is about rethinking how we, as a nation, engage with truth.

1.    Digital and Media Literacy Education must be at the core of this transformation. Schools should not only teach how to use technology but also how to analyze, question, and verify the content that students consume.

2.    Fact-checking institutions must be strengthened, publicly funded, and legally protected. These bodies should be shielded from political interference and empowered to challenge even the most influential players.

3.    The Presidential Communications Office and other government bodies must recommit to truthful, fact-based governance communication, rather than partisan storytelling.

4.    Influencers, journalists, and content creators must be reminded of their ethical obligations. Those who reach millions of Filipinos daily have a moral responsibility to inform, not manipulate.

5.    Finally, platforms like Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube must be held accountable. They cannot continue to profit from polarization while claiming neutrality. Algorithmic responsibility and local content regulation must be enforced.

 

A Final Word: The Truth Is Still Worth Fighting For

The Philippines is a resilient nation. We’ve endured colonization, dictatorships, natural disasters, and global pandemics. But this war on information may be the most dangerous of all—because it seeks to destroy our very perception of reality.

When truth becomes negotiable, when lies go viral, and when insults silence ideas, we lose more than just arguments—we lose the foundations of our democracy.

But it is not too late.

The antidote to disinformation is not censorship but critical thinking. The defense against trolling is not retaliation but empathy and civic courage. And the weapon to reclaim our national discourse is a recommitment to truth—by citizens, educators, media professionals, and yes, public servants.

Democracy does not collapse in a day. It erodes slowly—click by click, share by share, until silence takes over. Let us not be silent. Let us not surrender. Let us speak truth, even when it is inconvenient—especially when it is inconvenient.

 

References

Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2018). Challenging truth and trust: A global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford Internet Institute. https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/

Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2019). The global disinformation order: 2019 global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford Internet Institute.

DOST-ICTO. (2014). Philippine Internet milestones. Department of Science and Technology – Information and Communications Technology Office.

Ong, J. C., & Cabañes, J. V. A. (2019). Architects of networked disinformation: Behind the scenes of troll accounts and fake news production in the Philippines. New Media & Society, 21(2), 1–17.

Rappler. (2023). DDS vloggers versus PCO: The new online divide. https://rappler.com/newsbreak/investigative/dds-vloggers-marcos-admin-2023/

Social Weather Stations. (2022). Public perceptions on disinformation and fake news. https://www.sws.org.ph

We Are Social & Hootsuite. (2023). Digital 2023: The Philippines. https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2023-philippines

World Bank. (2023). Philippines Economic Update: Investing in the Future. https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/philippines/publication/philippines-economic-update

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*About the author:
Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission

A Nation Still Searching: My Reflection on President Marcos Jr.’s 2025 SONA and the Systemic Crossroads We Face

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

I write this not only as a Filipino who listened intently to the 2025 State of theNation Address of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., but also as a public servant, educator, and former national deputy secretary-general of the president’s political party, the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP), who has watched the evolution of our nation’s governance up close. As I sat in a quiet corner after another TV interview analyzing the President’s speech, I found myself neither fully elated nor completely disappointed—but deeply contemplative.

President Marcos delivered his address with poise and clarity. He was calm and confident, reporting numbers, laying out progress, and outlining his administration’s goals with the composure we’ve come to expect. But underneath the applause and carefully curated statistics, I found myself wrestling with a larger, more painful realization: we are a nation locked within a system that no longer serves our evolving needs.

Let me clarify, not to undermine the efforts of this administration, but to reveal a reality that many of us in government have long suppressed: the issue is systemic, not personal. No single president, no matter how sincere or skilled, can solve our nation’s most entrenched problems while governed by a 1987 constitution that constrains structural reform, stifles innovation, and perpetuates inefficiency.

 

The Bright Spots: Economic Recovery and Connectivity

Let's first acknowledge those who deserve recognition. There are, undoubtedly, bright spots in the President’s 2025 SONA. The president asserts that the country's economic trajectory is improving. Inflation has slowed, foreign direct investment is on the rise, and the government continues to invest in digital infrastructure and energy independence. These are not small feats.

The continuation of the “Build Better More” program—originally started under the Duterte administration—shows commitment to infrastructure as a driver of development. I particularly appreciated the focus on regional connectivity, making it easier for farmers, entrepreneurs, and students to access economic centers. Roads, airports, and digital platforms are being built not just for Metro Manila but for regions that have long felt neglected.

Moreover, the emphasis on renewable energy, including solar and wind power, suggests a shift toward long-term sustainability. This is a welcome change from previous years of energy band-aids and fossil fuel dependency. Likewise, I applaud the inclusion of support programs for MSMEs (Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises)—they are, after all, the lifeblood of local economies.

 

The Human Lens: Education, Health, and Inclusivity

On a human level, President Marcos made mention of targeted social support for vulnerable sectors. He spoke of expanding access to universal health care, providing assistance to solo parents and individuals with disabilities, and investing in inclusive learning platforms.

But while these policies are laudable, the depth of the problems in these sectors deserves more than just enumeration. Our education system continues to produce underperforming students. In global assessments, we still rank near the bottom in reading, mathematics, and science. Teacher burnout is at an all-time high. As an academic and education administrator, I had hoped for a more urgent and transformative roadmap to address the crisis in our classrooms.

On the health front, there is growing inequity between urban and rural access. Health centers in far-flung provinces are understaffed and under-equipped. The president’s call for digital health technologies is promising—but without fixing our basic infrastructure and compensation for health workers, the proposal will remain just another beneficial idea without traction.

 

What Was Missing: Justice, Peace, and the War on Drugs

As someone who has worked on peacebuilding and public safety policy, I could not help but feel that the SONA lacked a deeper reckoning with justice and reconciliation. The war on drugs, now rebranded and restructured, was mentioned briefly—focusing on rehabilitation and prevention rather than enforcement. The present effort is a step in the right direction. However, the damage done in the past remains largely unaddressed. There was no strong commitment to investigate abuses or provide healing for the thousands of families affected. A nation cannot move forward unless it confronts its painful truths.

Likewise, the peace process in Mindanao, while briefly cited through BARMM’s continued autonomy, deserves broader recognition and deeper investment. BARMM remains our best experiment in decentralized governance—and it works. It shows us what is possible when we trust local communities, respect their history, and provide genuine autonomy. In fact, BARMM could be our roadmap for federal transformation.

The System Is the Problem: The Limits of the 1987 Constitution

But here is where my analysis must go beyond metrics and policies: even with the best intentions, any president is limited by the constitutional structure we currently operate under. The 1987 Constitution—crafted after a dictatorship, with all the right intentions—has become a straitjacket in the 21st century.

It has created a hyper-centralized government, where regions wait for Manila’s approval to move, where local governments rely too heavily on national funds, and where executive-legislative relations are locked in partisan gridlock. Good laws die in Congress not because they lack merit, but because they don’t benefit the political elite.

The presidential unitary system encourages personality politics, shortens policy continuity, and makes political dynasties almost invincible. It has created a cycle where leaders change, but the problems remain. And so, as much as we appreciate the President’s vision, I fear that without systemic restructuring, many of his plans—like those before him—will not survive the end of his term.

 

The Call for Change: Federal Parliamentary Government

This is why I firmly believe it is time to evolve toward a federal parliamentary government. And this belief is not just academic—it is born of decades of fieldwork, governance experience, and policy frustration. Federalism would allow our diverse regions to flourish on their terms. It would provide local leaders more fiscal autonomy, more legislative space, and more accountability to their constituents.

A parliamentary system, meanwhile, promotes programmatic politics. It minimizes the circus of celebrity campaigns. Parties rise and fall based on platforms, not personalities. Legislation is faster. Gridlocks are fewer. Leaders are removed not by popularity contests, but by a vote of no confidence.

BARMM proves this approach can work. Under the Bangsamoro Organic Law, the region governs itself with a ministerial parliament. Decision-making is quicker. Culturally sensitive policies are enacted. We tailor peace and development projects accordingly. Such an arrangement is not a dream—it is a working model already inside our Republic.

We do not need to abolish the Republic. We only need to restructure it—decentralize power and make governance more responsive and people-centered.

 

A Nation at a Crossroads

President Marcos Jr.’s 2025 address was steady and informative. It gave the impression of a government at work, a government trying to correct what it can. But no amount of presidential will can overcome a system that protects the status quo more than it enables transformation.

I do not question the sincerity of President Marcos Jr., nor do I ignore the gains his administration has made. But I do question our national reluctance to confront the truth: we cannot keep applying new paint to a house with broken foundations.

We are a country of extraordinary talent, rich natural resources, and resilient people. But we are also a country haunted by a constitution that no longer reflects our time, our realities, or our aspirations. The problem is not the President’s failure. This is our shared responsibility.

 

Closing Reflections: From Critique to Courage

As I end this reflection, I ask myself—not just as an analyst, but as a citizen and a single father—what kind of country will we leave behind?

The SONA gave us numbers, policies, and promises. But beyond those, what we need is a courageous national conversation: Are we ready to restructure our governance? Are we willing to transfer power back to the regions? Can we finally outgrow our obsession with personalities and build a nation based on programs, systems, and shared values?

Federalism is not a panacea, but it represents a start. And BARMM is our living laboratory. Let us not waste the chance to replicate its successes. Let us not wait for another crisis to push us into reform.

I commend President Marcos Jr. for trying to govern within the limits he inherited. But as a nation, we must now demand more—not just from our leaders, but from ourselves.

The next SONA should not just be a speech from the podium—it should be our collective declaration that the time for system change is now.

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission