There Was a Time the Budget Was Sacred: Jose de Venecia and the Congress We No Longer Have

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

I still remember that day clearly—not because it was grand, but because it was quiet. I raised my right hand in the middle of the first decade of the 2010s, in a room filled with formality yet softened by a rare sense of calm. I was taking my oath as a Municipal Councilor of San Mateo, Rizal, carrying with me the hopeful nervousness of someone who still believed that public service was a calling. At the same time, I was serving as Executive Director of the Institute for Policy Studies of Lakas-CMD, the political party think-tank group—young enough to dream, old enough to understand responsibility.

The oath was officiated by House of Representatives Speaker Jose de Venecia himself and witnessed by then Congressman of Valenzuela City Jose Emmanuel Carlos, MD, and Bukidnon Congressman Jose Miguel Zubiri, then Secretary-General of Lakas-CMD. I expected distance. I expected a ceremony. What I did not expect was warmth. Speaker De Venecia was calm, accommodating, and unhurried. He listened as if the moment mattered, as if I mattered. There was no display of power, no theatrical authority—only quiet confidence. Looking back now, that may have been my first real lesson in leadership.

That memory hurts differently today.

When Jose de Venecia was installed as Speaker in 1992, the 1987 Philippine Constitution was still young—fragile, idealistic, and still healing from the wounds of dictatorship. Congress then was conscious of history. It knew it was walking on sacred ground. Sectoral representatives truly came from their sectors—youth, workers, farmers, women—chosen by communities, not engineered by lawyers. There were no party-list representatives pretending to be marginalized while serving elite interests. No construction company owners voting on infrastructure budgets that fed their own businesses. No PDAF scandal yet poisoning public trust. Shame still existed. Limits still mattered.

It was in that atmosphere—imperfect but principled—that De Venecia led. His record in Congress was not just long; it was heavy with consequence. He was elected Speaker five times, something no one has repeated since. But what mattered was not the number—it was how he wielded power. He governed by patience, by listening, and by building consensus instead of crushing dissent. Laws passed because they were understood, not because they were forced.

Of all the laws he authored, he often spoke with quiet pride about the 1992 Build-Operate-Transfer Law. It was never about personal credit. It was about foresight. That law allowed private capital to build public goods—power plants, roads, skyways, airports, markets, irrigation systems—projects worth more than US$26 billion, without selling the nation’s soul. Investors were repaid fairly, and then ownership returned to the people. Every time a train ran through Metro Manila connecting workers to jobs and families to opportunity, that vision moved silently beneath the noise of politics. The same long view shaped the Bases Conversion Law, turning former military installations into engines of growth rather than relics of dependence.

There was also the Rainbow Coalition, a phrase that today feels almost naïve, yet in hindsight profoundly sincere. It was De Venecia’s belief that a fractured nation could still be governed through breadth rather than bitterness—through dialogue among rivals, ideologies, and regions instead of perpetual division. The Rainbow Coalition was not perfect, and it did not deliver him the presidency, but it revealed his instinct to build bridges rather than walls. In an era when coalitions are often stitched together for convenience, his was animated by a genuine attempt to hold the country together—to prove that politics could still be inclusive, principled, and anchored on national interest rather than personal survival.

But Jose de Venecia believed that peace was also infrastructure.

Together with his wife, Gina, he crossed deserts—literally and politically—to talk to enemies others refused to face. He met Muammar Qaddafi and Nur Misuari to help end a war in Mindanao. He spoke to military rebels who once tried to overthrow the government. He reopened talks with communist insurgents when dialogue seemed futile. These were not acts meant for applause. They were acts of courage born of faith in the Filipino capacity to reconcile. He understood something we often forget today: a nation cannot develop while bleeding from old wounds.

And then there was the budget.

In his time, the national budget was sacred. Deliberations were slow because they were serious. Line items were argued over because money meant classrooms, hospitals, roads, and dignity. Committees mattered. Plenary debates mattered. There were no midnight insertions, no ghost projects hiding between pages, and no need for exposés to explain how billions disappeared. The budget could be defended in daylight. It could be explained to the poorest Filipino without embarrassment.

Today, I read the news and feel something close to grief. Congress is once again drowning in scandal. Budgets are no longer questions of priority but of suspicion. We no longer ask, "What will this build?" We ask, Who inserted this? "Ghost projects" are now common language. Insertions are explained away as skill. And I cannot help but think of Jose de Venecia—and how different it once was.

He understood that the Speaker is not the owner of the House, but its caretaker. That once you corrupt the budget, you corrupt everything that follows—trust, legitimacy, nationhood. He guarded the institution not with fear, but with restraint. Not with noise, but with discipline.

He did not become President. In 1998, he placed second to Joseph Estrada. But history has a longer memory than elections. Millions believed in his principles, his intellect, and his quiet patriotism. And today, when institutions feel hollow and leadership feels performative, his loss feels heavier than defeat ever did.

And so I return, in memory, to that moment when I stood before him and took my oath. I remember how steady his voice was, how unhurried his presence felt, and and how the gravity of public service was communicated without a single sermon. In that brief exchange, he did not remind me of power; he reminded me of duty. He did not make promises; he embodied restraint. That was Jose de Venecia’s quiet gift to those of us who met him—not inspiration wrapped in slogans, but a living example of how authority should feel when it is exercised with conscience.

Now that he has returned to his Maker, that memory has become a measuring stick. Whenever I see budgets distorted, institutions cheapened, and leadership reduced to noise, I remember the calm of that oath-taking day. I remember a Speaker who made the House feel worthy of respect. In grieving Jose de Venecia, I am not only mourning a statesman. I am mourning a standard I once saw up close. And perhaps the most painful truth of all is this: we know—because we have lived it—that we can do better.

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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15 SPECTACULAR TRICKS FOR YOUR BODY !!!!

1.) If you've got an itch in your throat, scratch your ear. When the nerves in the ear get stimulated, they create a reflex in the throat that causes a muscle spasm, which cures the itch. 

2.) Having trouble hearing someone at a party or on the phone? Use your right ear it's better at picking up rapid speech. But, the left is better at picking up music tones.

3.) If you need to relieve yourself BADLY, but you're not anywhere near a bathroom, fantasize about RELATIONS. That preoccupies your brain and distracts it.

4.) Next time the doctor's going to give you an injection, COUGH as the needle is going in. The cough raises the level of pressure in your spinal canal, which limits the pain sensation as it tries to travel to your brain.

5.) Clear a stuffed nose or relieve sinus pressure by pushing your tongue against the roof of your mouth then pressing a finger between your eyebrows. Repeat that for 20 seconds it causes the vomer bone to rock, which loosens your congestion and clears you up.

6.) If you ate a big meal and you're feeling full as you go to sleep,lay on your left side. That will keep you from suffering from acid reflux it keeps your stomach lower than your esophagus, which will helps keep stomach acid from sliding up your throat.

7.) You can stop a toothache by rubbing ice on the back of your hand, on the webbed area between your thumb and index finger. The nerve pathways there stimulate a part of the brain that blocks pain signals from your mouth.

8.) If you get all messed up on liquor, and the room starts spinning, put your hand on something stable. The reason: Alcohol dilutes the blood in the part of your ear called the cupula, which regulates balance. Putting your hand on something stable gives your brain another reference point, which will help make the world stop spinning.

9.) Stop a nose bleed by putting some cotton on your upper gums right behind the small dent below your nose and press against it hard. Most of the bleeding comes from the cartilage wall that divides the nose, so pressing there helps get it to stop.

10.) Nervous? Slow your heart rate down by blowing on your thumb. The vagus nerve controls your heart rate, and you can calm it down by breathing.

11.) Need to breathe underwater for a while? Instead of taking a huge breath, HYPERVENTILATE before you go under, by taking a bunch of short breaths. That will trick your brain into thinking it has more oxygen, and buy you about 10 extra seconds.

12.) You can prevent BRAIN FREEZE by pressing your tongue flat against the roof of your mouth, covering as much surface area as possible. Brain freeze happens because the nerves in the roof of your mouth get extremely cold, so your brain thinks your whole body is cold. It compensates by overheating which causes your head to hurt. By warming up the roof of your mouth, you'll chill your brain and feel better.

13.) If your hand falls asleep, rock your head from side to side. That will wake your hand or arm up in less than a minute. Your hand falls asleep because of the nerves in your neck compressing so loosening your neck is the cure. If your foot falls asleep, that's governed by nerves lower in the body, so you need to stand up and walk around.

14.) Finally, this one's totally USELESS, but a nice trick. Have someone stick their arm out to the side, straight, palm down. Press down on his wrist with two fingers. He'll resist, and his arm will stay horizontal. Then, have him put his foot on a surface that's half an inch off the ground, like a stack of magazines, and do the trick again. Because his spine position is thrown off, his arm will fall right to his side, no matter how much he tries to resist.

15.) Got the hiccups? Press thumb and second finger over your eyebrows until the hiccups are over - usually, in a short while.

Force to Resign or Impeach

The Filipino people are now monitoring the impeachment trial every day. Some people seem to be having fun, learning something, laughing, and being confused. By the way, people from all around the world wrote their comments, like we were watching a boxing match. Occasionally the prosecution and defense teams' punches and counter-punches are deadly, and occasionally they are unfair. Both sides want to knock each other out as soon as possible, even in the first round. Some people think that the fight's referees and judges had already made a bet. So, if the fight goes the distance, the jurors' objectivity will be taken into account.

If you were an objective observer with critical thinking skills, you might be able to come up with your thoughts on how the prosecution made its case and how the defense presented the law. Regrettably, not all our fellow citizens have received the necessary training to think critically and make fair decisions. The way that the idea of "idiotization" of the big media networks affects our daily life. This is shown in how our voters choose the leaders of our country. On that note, how people think about how the electorate chooses our leaders also shows how they feel about challenges facing the country.

The current system produces a perception among the ignorant majority. Idiotized majority in a way, that these people were made to believe that President is popular based on 1000 respondents representing 91 Million Filipinos, that these people were also given false hopes that for them to climb up out of poverty is fall in line in game show that gives thousand and millions of pesos, that people were given the impression that there is no terrorism despite the beheading of nineteen soldiers in Basilan, and the sporadic ambushes and killings of military personnel and some civilian sympathizers by CPP/NPA/NDF and MILF, that people were made to believe that by watching these giant networks, they can forget the predicaments in their daily lives, that these people made to understand that electing the popular rather that the credible would uplift their lives, that people were given false hope that for them to be Millionaire, they need to bet on LOTTO, while some PSCO officials were using the government funds in a questionable manner as investigated by the Senate in their inquiries, and that these people were blinded in the reality of the “matuwid na daan”, despite the numerous unconstitutional decisions and blunders such as the giving of financial aid to the enemies of the state and the recent railroading of the Corona impeachment.

Those are the only few signs that an idiotized majority exists. I am confident that you can identify additional examples beyond the ones I have mentioned. But the last thing I listed, the Corona impeachment, is quite scary.

Some biased and sponsored media are currently spreading the idea that Corona is a hindrance to national development because he is a puppet of the former administration. But will that be enough to kill him? No, the answer is no. That's why the 188 congressmen who signed the impeachment complaint had eight articles of impeachment. They said that the Chief Justice should be removed from office because he doesn't have the moral authority to lead the judiciary.

I was astonished that the prosecution chose to show Article 2 of the Articles of Impeachment instead of Article 1 during the impeachment trial. The defense team objected, but as usual, the Senate didn't want to hear arguments based on law, logic, and common sense. According to Article 1, the ruling is to keep going with the presentation of evidence and witnesses. Upon presenting these witnesses to the court, it became evident that many senator-judges had lost their objectivity. The first witness, who is the Clerk of Court of the Supreme Court, asked the Supreme Court for permission to turn over the Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN) because there is a resolution in the office where she works that says she can't share the SALN without permission. The Senator-Judges had many arguments that were only meant to underscore the point that the witness had to turn over the SALN. One senator says that the Impeachment Court is significantly better than the Supreme Court when it comes to impeachment trials. Many smart people laughed at the comment. The impeachment trial is filled with comedic moments. Senator Joker Arroyo is the only Senator-Judge I know who is a true statesman. He asked for just one day so that the witness might approach the Supreme Court for permission to avoid a battle royale between the two branches of government. He even showed that there is a petition in the Supreme Court to suspend the impeachment trial since there are a lot of legal issues and arguments. But tragically, his biased coworkers didn't pay attention to this evidence. The prosecution then called several witnesses, and the defense team objected, as they normally do, but the judge always overruled them.

Some critical-thinking Filipinos have observed that the prosecution doesn't seem ready with proof for all the impeachment articles. The clearest sign is that they chose to start with Article 2 instead of Article 1. However, when they presented Article 2, their negligence became apparent. The prosecution team says that this is the first time they have seen the Chief Justice's SALN. These 188 Congressmen signed and swore that the Chief Justice was guilty based on Article 2 of the Articles of Impeachment, which says that

The respondent violated the Constitution and betrayed the public's trust by failing to disclose his assets, debts, and net worth as mandated by Section 17, Article XI of the 1987 Constitution.

How could these 188 congressmen have signed and sworn to this claim when one of them said during the trial that it was the first time they had seen the SALN? Signing the impeachment charge is perjury for these congressmen. It is basic sense that they cannot prove that the Chief Justice did not tell the public about his statement of assets, liabilities, and net worth when they have not seen the Chief Justice's SALN.

Based on the premises mentioned above and the way the prosecution acted in court and in the media, it appears that the person who planned this Corona impeachment affair didn't achieve his real goal. Based on my simple view, the actual goal is not to send Corona to court for impeachment. The person behind this plan didn't anticipate the Chief Justice would fight to the end, but they did want him to step down. They believed that Chief Justice Corona was a weak public servant who would be affected by the numerous media attacks that insulted and misrepresented his family. This is the reason the prosecution employs the devious tactic of summoning the Chief Justice's family as witnesses. They hope that it will make the Chief Justice feel worse and make him resign if he sees his family member being insulted by the prosecution during cross-examination. But it didn't happen; the impeachment court turned down the prosecution's request to summon the Corona family members based on legal principles.

People will clearly see that the prosecution is not prepared for the impeachment trial, as evidenced by the current situation. They mistakenly believe that the Chief Justice will resign due to mental stress and the public humiliation of his name in the media and society. Even before the impeachment trial starts, the big news networks have already found the Chief Justice guilty. The prosecution even paid for private lawyers to work for them. The prosecution is making it very apparent that they don't have the legal tools to hold the Chief Justice accountable.

The impeachment trial raises the question of how the prosecution will handle the damage done by wrongly believing the Chief Justice would resign. Can they find more proof to back up all of the claims made in the eight articles of impeachment? Many questions will come up because of this. The 188 congressmen who are part of the prosecution team were mistaken in getting involved in this impeachment process. Clearly, they are exploiting this process to secure re-election or advancement. We truly don't know what will happen next. For example, there are reports of Jose Maria Sison coming back to our country, rumors of a revolutionary government, proof of a slow communist invasion, the Mindanao sub-state, and so on. But there are no winners in this impeachment trial; everyone loses. The question is who lost the most?

The Filipino people are the biggest losers. Every day, the Filipino people struggle to procure food. But tragically, the bulk of people who are dumb are only amenable to the old saying, It's acceptable. The telenovelas produced by the major networks caused the uninformed majority to wait either a week or a day for the next episode. We don't know what this government will do or what the outcome will be in this CORONAVELA. Filipino fans were merely told to wait and see what would happen. ABANGAN ANG SUSUNOD NA KABANATA…

 

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

National President

1st Philippine Pro-Democracy Foundation, Inc.