Dr. John’s Wishful is a blog where stories, struggles, and hopes for a better nation come alive. It blends personal reflections with social commentary, turning everyday experiences into insights on democracy, unity, and integrity. More than critique, it is a voice of hope—reminding readers that words can inspire change, truth can challenge power, and dreams can guide Filipinos toward a future of justice and nationhood.

Showing posts with label Raffy Tulfo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Raffy Tulfo. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 23, 2025

The Burden of the Erwin Tulfo Brand: Rethinking “Bending the Law”

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD


Introduction

    “Sometimes you have to bend the law in order to please the people.”

    When Senator Erwin Tulfo spoke these words during a Blue-Ribbon Committee hearing, the reaction was swift and harsh. He was called “unsenatorial,” ridiculed as reckless, and dismissed as if he had spoken against the very foundation of democracy. But perhaps, beneath the noise, his statement deserved a fairer hearing.

    I do not embrace the “trial by publicity” style that has defined the Tulfo name for decades. Yet as I reflect on his remark, I find myself asking: Was Tulfo truly calling for mob justice, or was he simply misunderstood? If we read his words in their best light, his intention may have been noble—bending the law in the spirit of compassion. But because of the Tulfo Brand of Justice, people assumed the worst—that he meant instant justice.

The Two Faces of Bending the Law

    To understand the controversy, we must recognize that “bending the law” can mean two very different things.

  1. Bending for Compassion (Moral)

    This form of bending acknowledges that strict application of the law can sometimes cause hardship. It is usually exercised by implementors—police officers, judges, administrators—who face situations where fairness demands flexibility.

    Imagine a jeepney driver running a red light to rush a sick passenger to the hospital. By the letter of the law, the officer should issue a fine. But by the spirit of justice, a warning may be more appropriate. This bending does not betray the law—it fulfills it by serving its higher purpose.

    Philippine jurisprudence affirms this. In Oposa v. Factoran (1993), the Supreme Court bent traditional rules of standing by allowing children to sue on behalf of future generations. It was bending not for spectacle but for compassion, ensuring that justice served the greater good.

  1. Bending for Instant Justice (Immoral)

    The second kind of bending is dangerous. It bypasses due process to deliver quick punishment. It is dramatic, it pleases the crowd, but it undermines fairness. This is what many associate with the Tulfo brand, built on televised confrontations where wrongdoers were shamed and judged in real time.

    In this form, bending the law is not mercy—it is mob justice. It may satisfy frustration, but it corrodes the very principle of rule of law.

Why Tulfo Was Misunderstood

    This is where the misunderstanding lies. If another senator had said “bend the law,” many would have assumed he meant compassion. But when Tulfo said it, people immediately remembered the Tulfo Brand of Justice. They did not hear compassion; they heard instant judgment.

    In truth, his words could have carried good intention. He may have wanted to emphasize that the law must be applied with humanity, that rules should not be so rigid as to crush ordinary people. That is a point worth agreeing with. But because of his family’s history of instant justice, his remark was interpreted in the harshest way.

    In short, Tulfo’s problem was not only what he said but also what his name represented.

Everyday Illustrations

    To see how the misunderstanding plays out, consider simple examples:

  • On the streets: A first-time violator forgiven with a warning—that is bending for compassion. A petty offender paraded before cameras without hearing—that is instant justice.
  • In courts: A judge admitting late evidence to protect the innocent is compassionate bending. A senator declaring guilt in a hearing without trial is instant justice.
  • In politics: A leader bending parliamentary rules to allow more debate is compassion. A leader making verdicts for applause is instant justice.

    The same phrase—“bending the law”—can mean very different things. Unfortunately for Tulfo, the public heard the wrong one.

Why People Like Instant Justice

    We cannot ignore why many Filipinos welcomed Tulfo’s brand in the first place. Courts are slow, corruption is rampant, and cases drag on for decades. Ordinary citizens often feel powerless, so they cheer when someone delivers swift accountability—even if due process is bypassed.

    Tulfo tapped into this frustration, and his brand became popular because it gave people the illusion of justice. But illusion is not reality. Real justice requires evidence, fairness, and procedure. Instant justice may feel satisfying today, but it weakens the foundation of democracy tomorrow.

A Noble Purpose, Drowned by Perception

    This is why I see Tulfo’s statement as misunderstood. If we give him the benefit of the doubt, his purpose was noble—calling for laws to bend with compassion, to show that governance is not blind to human needs. In that sense, I would agree with him.

    But in the eyes of the public, conditioned by years of Tulfo-style media justice, his words meant something else: bending the law for instant justice. And so, instead of sparking thoughtful discussion, his statement was ridiculed. His intent, if noble, was drowned by perception.

The Risk of Misinterpretation

    This episode is more than a personal problem for Tulfo—it is a national lesson. We must learn to distinguish between bending for compassion and bending for instant justice. Compassion strengthens democracy by humanizing law. Instant justice weakens it by replacing law with spectacle.

    If leaders cannot communicate this difference clearly, they risk being misunderstood, just as Tulfo was. And when public perception confuses mercy with mob rule, democracy itself suffers.

In a Nutshell

    Senator Erwin Tulfo’s statement—“sometimes you have to bend the law in order to please the people”—was provocative but, I believe, misunderstood. If he meant bending for compassion, then his purpose was noble, and I would support that. But because of the Tulfo Brand of Justice, the public interpreted his words as a defense of instant justice. That is why he was ridiculed. That is why he was branded “unsenatorial.”

    I do not support instant justice, but I can recognize that Tulfo may have had a better intention than he was given credit for. His words remind us that leaders must not only mean well—they must also communicate well. Otherwise, noble intentions will always be lost in translation.

    In the end, bending the law must always lean toward compassion, never toward instant justice. One uplifts people; the other betrays them. And unless we learn to tell the difference, we will continue to mistake mercy for spectacle—and risk confusing justice itself.

 ____________

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

Monday, September 22, 2025

Why Reform Must Come First, When Snap Election Becomes Necessary

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

On September 21, 2025, I walked once again along EDSA. For many of us, this road is sacred ground — the place where Filipinos twice rose up to demand change. But this time, I was not there as an academician, not as a political analyst, not even as the Secretary-General of Timpuyog Pilipinas. I was there simply as a Filipino, and as a single father walking beside my daughter, Juliana Rizalhea.

She was holding a placard, simple yet powerful: “Ang Anti-Corruption Rally Dapat Dalisay: Walang Politika.” That placard bore the name of Timpuyog Pilipinas, the national unification advocacy organization I belong to, but our group with a contingent of 1430 peace loving Ilocanos made a deliberate choice that day: we would not bring banners, we would not shout our name, we would not claim the spotlight. We were there to blend in with the people, enjoy the festivity of people singing songs about hope and the ills of the society like “Liwanag sa Dilim and Tatsulok”, because the rally was not about us. It was about something bigger — a cry for honesty, a demand for integrity, a call to end corruption.

As I looked at Juliana Rizalhea holding up that placard, her young face full of determination, I felt pride and sorrow at the same time. Pride, because even at her age, she understood that advocacy must remain untainted. Sorrow, because children should not have to march in the streets to demand that their leaders be honest. They deserve better.

The rally at EDSA brought together thousands from every walk of life. Rich and poor, students and workers, professionals and farmers — they stood shoulder to shoulder. For a moment, the lines that usually divide us seemed to disappear. And yet, even there, opportunism crept in. I saw oversized banners carried by groups that clearly had other motives. Some were using the rally as if it were a campaign stage. I leaned close to my daughter and whispered, “This is why we keep our placard simple, anak. Because the real fight is not about names. It is about justice.”

But not all rallies that day carried the same spirit. While EDSA remained peaceful, Mendiola and Luneta turned violent. There, reports spread of alleged paid rallyists by contractors, ex-politician and a noisy lawyer in social media— young people waving One Piece anime flags, pretending to be Gen Z activists. Instead of demanding reform, they vandalized public property, attacked businesses, and even burned part of a well-known favorite motel of cheating wives ironically named “So Clean, So Good.” The violence left many injured, and tragically, lives were lost.

The difference was stark. At EDSA, unity and discipline prevailed. At Mendiola and Luneta, chaos took over. It showed us that while peaceful protest strengthens democracy, violence destroys its message.

Even at EDSA, however, there were moments of tension. In the early afternoon, small groups tried to stir the crowd. They waved banners and shouted slogans, but their agenda was not anti-corruption. Their loyalty was to political idols, not to the people’s cause. They sought to hijack the moment for their own ends.

But here, I must commend the Philippine National Police (PNP). They handled the situation with restraint and vigilance. They stepped in quickly to prevent escalation, containing these agitators without sparking wider conflict. Thanks to their discipline, the rally continued in peace. Unlike the tragedies of Mendiola and Luneta, EDSA stood as a symbol of calm and clarity — a people’s protest that refused to be tainted.

Standing there brought back memories. I remembered the Mendiola clashes of the past during my student activism days at the University of the East, where peaceful marches ended in bloodshed. I remembered EDSA I, wherein we live in front of Gate 2 of Camp Crame, 17 C 1st Avenue to be exact, when I was still in my 3rd Year High School at Aquinas School, when millions toppled a regime with prayers and courage, and EDSA II, when another president fell amid Jueteng scandals. The message in all these moments was the same: when leaders fail, the people rise.

But as I stood in 2025, I also feared a dangerous possibility. Some were whispering about the Nepal model — where protests are sustained, well-funded, and deliberately escalated to collapse governments. In Nepal, leaders fell one after another, but stability never came. Would the Philippines follow that path if corruption continued unchecked? Could Malacañang itself become the next target if anger boiled over?

This is why I say to the President of this nation which our forefathers sacrifice their lives to liberate us from foreign invaders: listen. Listen while you still can. The rally was not just an outburst; it was a warning. The patience of Filipinos has limits.

But resignation will not solve this. It will only trigger constitutional succession, and history has shown us that this changes nothing. When Joseph Estrada faced protests in 2001, he even called for a snap election, believing the people should decide his fate. His call was rejected, and succession was forced. The result? The system remained broken, the cycle of corruption unbroken and got much even worst as we experiencing now.

And let me be clear: declaring a state of emergency or martial law will not solve the problem either. Yes, these tools can silence protests temporarily, but they will not eliminate corruption. They will not rebuild trust. They will not heal a nation already weary from lies and betrayal. We Filipinos have lived through martial law once before. We know that fear may control the streets, but it cannot bring renewal.

So, if resignation is not the answer, and repression is not the answer, then what is?

The answer must begin with reform.

If the President truly wants to regain trust, he must act now. He must reshuffle his Cabinet, remove those with stained reputations, and bring in men and women of proven integrity. He must give space to people from civil society, from the academe, from the professional world — individuals who have earned respect through clean and honest work.

Most importantly, he must prove that accountability is real. Those implicated in corruption scandals — whether in flood control or in other departments — must face justice. Not selective justice. Not symbolic sacrifices. Real justice, where the guilty are punished and the innocent are cleared. No sacred cows. No untouchables. 

If he can do this, the people may see sincerity. Trust, though cracked, can still be mended. And if trust is restored, there may be no need for drastic measures.

But what if he does nothing?

What if the guilty remain untouchable like his cousin who is now baptized by the masses as “Kim Bon Jing? What if reforms are blocked, and the people’s anger is ignored? Then unrest will continue. And when trust collapses, chaos follows. 

That is when a snap election becomes necessary. Not as the first option, but as the last recourse.

A snap election is not just a shuffle of faces. It is a renewal of legitimacy. It allows the people to decide again who deserves to lead. It prevents coups, revolutionary governments, or authoritarian shortcuts by offering a peaceful, democratic alternative.

In such an election, the President and Vice President may run again. Let the people decide if their mandate should be renewed. Other leaders can step forward — Bong Go, Benjamin Magalong, Gilberto “Gibo” Teodoro, Raffy Tulfo, Ping Lacson, Bam Aquino, Leni Robredo, and even respected unknown provincial clean public servants like Governor Reynaldo Sucayan Tamayo Jr. of South Cotabato as well as business leaders like Ramon Ang and Manny Pangilinan. The point is not who runs, but that the genuine choice belongs to the people.

A snap election becomes a referendum, a national evaluation. Those who fail will be removed. Those who perform will be sustained. Those seeking higher office will be judged fairly by the people’s will.

Other nations have faced similar crossroads. Italy in 2019 and Greece in 2015 both turned to snap elections in moments of crisis, seeking new legitimacy. Their outcomes were not perfect, but stability was restored because the people’s voice was renewed. In contrast, Nepal resisted returning the mandate to its citizens, they chose violence instead of constructive change and the result will be an academically projected repeated cycles of protest, instability, and disillusion, just like what happened to Myanmar and other nations who chose destructive revolution over constructive revolution.

The lesson is clear: when legitimacy is broken, only the people can restore it.

But even this will not be enough. A snap election can reset leadership, but it cannot fix the system. Changing the driver of a broken car will not make it run. That is why, after a snap election, the Philippines must take the deeper step of drafting a new constitution.

This must not be written by the same politicians who guard their dynasties. It must be written by representatives of the people — academics, farmers, fisherfolks, solo parents, LGBTs, workers, youth, medical practitioners, indigenous people, artists, retired senior citizens, entrepreneurs, professionals. A constitution shaped not by ambition but by conscience. Only then can we dismantle systemic corruption and build institutions worthy of trust.

That day at EDSA, standing with Juliana Rizalhea, I felt the exhaustion of a nation. The chants around us were loud, but louder still was the silence of history echoing in my heart. Filipinos are tired — tired of corruption, tired of seeing poverty, tired of political deceptions, and  tired of broken promises.

And yet, in my daughter’s eyes, I saw hope. Hope that her generation will not carry the same burdens. Hope that honesty and fairness will still have meaning. Hope that unity is not just a word from history books, but a living force for change.

In that moment, I knew why I march. Why I write. Why I speak. It is not for me. It is for her. For Juliana Rizalhea, and for every Filipino child who deserves to grow up in a nation reborn.

As National Secretary-General of Timpuyog Pilipinas, I know our role is not to shout our name the loudest, but to live our advocacy of “ Unite rather than Divide, Love rather than Hate, and Build rather Destroy.” That is why we kept our banners folded and our presence humble. Because the fight against corruption is not about organizations or personalities. It is about every Filipino who still dares to believe in justice.

Reform must come first. But if reform fails, then snap elections must follow. And beyond that, we must summon the courage to build a new constitution, a new system, and a new future.

This is the call for an urgent action!

To the President: do not wait until protests consume the streets. Do not hide behind succession, emergency powers, or excuses. Lead by reforming now, while you still can. Show the people that accountability is real. 

To my fellow Filipinos: let us guard the purity of our advocacy. Let us reject opportunism and violence that only weaken our cause. Let us demand reforms first, and if those reforms fail, let us demand the chance to choose again.

What our nation needs today is not fear, not shortcuts, not another strongman. What we need is courage to start anew — a new beginning, a new mandate, a new leadership, a new constitution, and a new system worthy of the hope in our children’s eyes.

 ____________


______________

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

 

Sunday, September 14, 2025

Government Shutdown Will Not Solve the Problem: What We Need Is a System Re-Format

 *Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD

 

I once had an old desktop computer that I depended on for work. One evening, it froze completely. No keyboard strokes worked, no mouse clicks responded. Out of frustration, I pressed the power button and forced it to shut down, thinking that when I turned it back on, everything would return to normal. And it did—for a few minutes. But soon, the same programs crashed again. The truth was, the problem wasn’t solved by shutting down and restarting. The problem was in the bad sectors of the hard drive and in the corrupted programs that kept failing. The machine looked new after a restart, but deep inside, it was still broken.

That computer became a metaphor I carry with me whenever I think about government and politics. Shutting down the system, as some advocate by pointing to what is happening in Nepal, is like pressing the restart button on that frozen machine. It may give the illusion of a fresh start, it may even provide a temporary sense of relief, but the bad sectors of the hard drive remain. The corruption embedded in the system doesn’t vanish. Instead, the same errors come back, only now under a different face, a different operator, or a different coalition.

In Nepal, the constant dissolving of parliaments, collapsing of governments, and replacing of prime minister is supposed to be a cleansing process, a chance to punish leaders and demand better governance. Yet ordinary citizens still wake up to the same frustrations—poverty, inequality, lack of services, and rampant corruption. Why? Because the shutdown of the system only changes who sits in the chair, but it does not remove the syndicates and external forces that truly control the levers of power. Outside players—economic elites, foreign influencers, political dynasties—still run their operations, benefiting from every collapse, from every revolt. The system itself remains corrupted.

And this is where I want to leave a thought for those who will read this now and remember it later. Mark my words: a year or two from today, Nepal will still struggle with the same corruption it faces now, perhaps even worse, because outside forces that profit from instability will continue to thrive. Revolts and shutdowns only weaken the nation further, while those external beneficiaries strengthen their grip. Remember this article when that time comes, because the cycle will repeat unless they choose a deeper solution—a re-format of their system, not just a shutdown of their government.

The Philippines must also reflect deeply on its own history. In 1986, we poured into EDSA with the dream of a better life, a government free from dictatorship, and a society where justice would finally prevail. People Power was a proud moment; it inspired the world. But ask ourselves honestly: did life get better? For many, life became harder. The 1987 Constitution, hailed as a symbol of restored democracy, also became the seed of today’s dysfunction. It created a weak and fragmented political structure, encouraged a party-list system that has been exploited by dynasties and opportunists, and enshrined rules that paralyzed true reform. The dream of a clean and prosperous nation slipped away, replaced by deeper poverty, more corruption, and endless political bickering.

Again, in 2001, the nation marched back to EDSA, this time to unseat a leader accused of corruption through illegal gambling. Millions hoped that by changing one man at the top, the system would be purified. But did corruption end? Did illegal gambling disappear? No—it flourished even more, evolving into a bigger and more complicated monster. Syndicates grew stronger, corruption spread wider, and the ordinary Filipino saw no relief. Just like that old computer, we shut down, restarted, and put in a new operator, but the bad sectors of the system—the very roots of corruption—were never fixed.

This is why I believe we must stop fooling ourselves with shutdowns and revolts. They give us the drama of change but not its substance. What we truly need is a re-format of the entire system. And when I say re-format, I mean starting from the very foundation—our Constitution, our political structure, our electoral system, and even our cultural mindset.

I have long believed that evolving federalism is one key. A centralized system has only made corruption easier because power is concentrated in Manila, where syndicates and dynasties negotiate their deals. If power is distributed to the regions, local governments will not only be more accountable to their people, but opportunities will be spread more evenly. Evolving federalism, when designed carefully, can weaken the stranglehold of political dynasties and make governance closer to the lives of ordinary Filipinos.

The party-list system also cries out for re-formatting. What was once envisioned as a way to give voice to the marginalized has been hijacked by the very dynasties it sought to prevent. We must redesign it to truly serve laborers, farmers, fisherfolk, and indigenous peoples—not political families hiding under new acronyms. The party-list law needs cleansing, and its intent must be restored to give a real seat at the table to those who have long been ignored.

We must also strengthen anti-corruption institutions not as tools of political vendetta, but as permanent watchdogs that transcend administrations. Ombudsmen, audit commissions, and anti-graft courts must be given sharper teeth and protected from political influence. The justice system must be re-coded so that plunderers cannot buy their freedom or delay their cases until they die of old age.

But I know that even if these structural reforms are enacted, they will fail if culture remains the same. If voters still sell their votes for a few hundred pesos, dynasties will continue to win. If citizens still admire politicians for their wealth rather than their integrity, corruption will continue to thrive. If we excuse “small” corruption—like cheating in exams, bribing traffic enforcers, or pulling strings to avoid accountability—we are feeding the same virus we claim to hate.

This is why the re-formatting of the system must also begin in the grassroots. Teachers must instill in their students not only knowledge, but the discipline of honesty. Parents must raise their children to value integrity over convenience. Workers must refuse to participate in bribery, even when pressured. Communities must learn to hold their leaders accountable, not by blind loyalty, but by critical thinking and active participation. Civic education, moral values, and patriotism must become the antivirus that protects the re-formatted nation.

Every Filipino has a role. A student who refuses to cheat is part of the re-formatting. A worker who declines to pay a fixer is part of the re-formatting. A voter who refuses to sell their ballot is part of the re-formatting. A citizen who speaks the truth even when unpopular is part of the re-formatting. These small acts may seem powerless, but when multiplied by millions, they become the firewall that corruption cannot break.

Shutting down government is like turning off the power button of a frozen computer. It may restart, but it will still crash because the system itself is broken. Re-formatting, however, gives us the chance to rebuild a nation on clean ground, free from viruses, and designed to serve its real owners—the people.

If we truly want to re-format our nation, we must find the courage to change our Constitution, to adopt a system of evolving federalism, to cleanse our party-list system, to empower anti-corruption courts, and to rebuild our culture of governance from the ground up. It will be painful. It will mean letting go of comfort zones and privileges. But only then can we finally break the cycle of corruption and see a government that runs, not for syndicates and dynasties, but for the ordinary Filipino.

That is the only way forward. That is the only way to finally marked and paralyzed the bad sectors of our national hard drive. That is the only way to ensure that this time, when the system boots up again, it will truly work for all of us.

_______________________________

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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