*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM
When I was in college, I obtained a copy of Mao Zedong’s Little Red Book. That memory returned as I considered calls to declare the Chinese ambassador persona non grata.
I still remember the exact passage that stayed with me. A documented statement by Mao reads: “We will not attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-attack.” It belonged to a different historical struggle. It offers no proof of Beijing’s intentions today. What it prompted in me was a question: How might a government use its opponent’s response to justify its next move?
That question should be part of our deliberation.
In my critical theroretical analysis, Beijing could use a persona non grata declaration to justify reciprocal measures and portray the Philippines as responsible for worsening relations. Whether that argument would be fair is another matter. Governments can exploit a narrative even when others dispute its truth.
We should therefore ask what the declaration would accomplish, what alternatives remain, and what consequences we are prepared to manage.
The ambassador’s reported remark about China’s ability to defeat the Philippines deserves a firm objection. Filipinos have every reason to expect foreign representatives to address our country with respect. An envoy’s responsibility includes keeping communication possible, especially when relations are strained.
But our response must carry us beyond the understandable satisfaction of answering an insult.
Once our objection is formally recorded, I would favor sustained diplomatic engagement over an extended exchange of public provocations. We can demand clarification, insist on respectful conduct, and continue negotiations without repeatedly giving the remark a larger audience.
Allowing a controversy to lose publicity does not mean abandoning the issue. The work can continue across a negotiating table after the headlines have moved on.
Restraint, however, must have boundaries.
Provocative words, coercive conduct, and an armed attack present different dangers. A statement may warrant a protest and a demand for clarification. Actions that endanger our fishermen or personnel require practical protection and proportionate legal, diplomatic, and security measures. An armed attack would demand an urgent response consistent with international law and applicable security commitments.
The response should follow the seriousness of the conduct, the danger involved, and the measures most likely to stop it.
Nor should we assume that retaliation must involve weapons. Reciprocal diplomatic expulsions or suspended official cooperation are possibilities. Trade and travel could also become pressure points, although any particular restriction would require a separate decision and raise its own legal questions.
These are contingency scenarios, not predictions. Their purpose is to help us prepare.
An exporter cannot pay employees with assurances that a diplomatic gesture was popular. A worker overseas cannot support a family through patriotic applause. Decisions made in government offices eventually reach households, sometimes through a lost order, delayed travel, or uncertainty about employment.
That brings me to our Filipinos in China.
What happens if Beijing declares our ambassador persona non grata?
China could require his departure; the Philippines would recall him or terminate his assignment. The embassy could continue under another diplomat. His removal alone would not automatically invalidate Filipino workers’ visas or end consular assistance. Even severing diplomatic relations does not, by itself, sever consular relations.
Those distinctions matter. We should neither frighten our workers with automatic consequences that do not follow nor overlook the practical difficulties a worsening relationship could create.
A Filipino facing detention, an employment dispute, or a medical emergency needs someone who answers the telephone and can act. Our government must ensure continuity of assistance, reliable emergency contacts, and arrangements for repatriation if conditions eventually require it.
The welfare of Filipinos abroad belongs inside the decision, from the beginning.
We also have peaceful ways to strengthen our position. Formal protests establish our objections. Verified evidence and appropriate legal remedies support accountability. Negotiations and crisis communication can help prevent an incident from becoming a larger confrontation.
Over time, broader economic partnerships can reduce our exposure to pressure. Capable coast guard and defense institutions can support diplomacy by giving our personnel the means to perform their duties safely and credibly.
These efforts require resources, discipline, and patience. Their value should be measured by results.
Declaring an ambassador persona non grata remains a legitimate diplomatic option. There may be circumstances in which an envoy’s conduct makes continued service unacceptable. If our government reaches that judgment, it should explain the objective and prepare for the response. The existence of risks does not settle the decision; it makes preparation essential.
My position is clear: I am pro-Philippines, pro-Filipino, and pro-democracy. I judge our relationships with China, the United States, and every other country by how they serve our sovereignty, security, and public welfare.
I worry about our country being drawn into a wider conflict in which competing powers pursue their objectives while Filipino communities bear the costs. Such a conflict is not inevitable. Our leaders have a responsibility to preserve our freedom of action and prevent miscalculation.
The fisherman at sea, the worker overseas, and the parent stretching a limited household budget deserve a foreign policy that takes their lives seriously.
Before our leaders escalate a confrontation, they must explain how that decision will make the Filipino people safer.
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