*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM
Sometimes,
before I talk about politics or nation-building, I start with my own
story—because like every Filipino, the nation’s wounds feel personal. As a
single father, I have known what it means to choose wrong. I have fallen for
the wrong women more than once—scammers who disguised themselves as partners,
users who treated kindness as a resource, walkers who walked in and out of my
life with no intention to stay, and swindlers who took pieces of my peace as if
they had the right to. There were nights when I felt foolish, wondering why my
heart kept choosing the wrong people, why hope always seemed to slip from my
grasp. But every time, I rose because of my daughter, Juliana Rizalhea. I could not allow
my mistakes to define her future. And as I carried these personal heartbreaks,
I slowly realized that the Philippines suffers from the same pattern. Like me,
our nation keeps choosing the wrong partners—corrupt officials, political
dynasties, manipulators with charm polished like glass. We call them
“honorables,” give them power, and then cry when they betray us. We elect the
same surnames, same bloodlines, and same operators, expecting change but receiving
the same heartbreak every six years. We are a people trapped in a painful
romance with the wrong leaders.
Today, the
Philippines carries that heartbreak heavily. The flood control scandal, budget
insertions, and the shameless display of greed have become the thorns in the
nation’s chest. Civil society is fractured. People march in different
directions. The middle class is exhausted. Even the youth, once idealistic, now
carry cynicism like a burden they did not deserve. As the scandals deepen and
distrust spreads like wildfire, a haunting question rises: What if we start
over? What if President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. resigns? What if Vice
President Sara Duterte steps down? What if we finally stop patching a sinking
ship and choose to rebuild it?
Under the 1987
Constitution, if that moment comes, the next in line would be Senate President
Vicente “Tito” Sotto III. And perhaps history, in its strange unpredictability,
would push him into Malacañang—not as a man seeking power, but as a man
performing a constitutional duty in a time of national collapse. In the face of
a nation suffocating from scandal, Sotto would be forced into the role of
caretaker of a wounded republic. And in a move that surprises many but comforts
more, he appoints former Senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson as Acting Vice
President—his most decisive act, symbolizing discipline, anti-corruption,
stability, and credibility.
Tito Sotto
steps into Malacañang not like a conqueror, but like someone who knows the
weight of a broken nation. He brings calmness, neutrality, and the ability to
communicate across political lines. And beyond this, Sotto brings something no
other national figure possesses at his level: an unparalleled mastery of
unorthodox human relations. He is friends with governors and barangay captains
alike, respected by local mayors from Luzon to Mindanao, and trusted even by
political rivals who seldom trust anyone. It is this unique ability—being
everyone’s friend without being anyone’s puppet—that allows Sotto to create
harmony in governance between the national and local governments. Where others
impose, he persuades. Where others threaten, he connects. Where others divide,
he unites. Local officials, long exhausted by the tug-of-war between Malacañang
and Congress, would finally find in Sotto a leader who listens, who
understands, and who does not treat them as subordinates but as partners. In
him, the country discovers not just a caretaker president, but a bridge-builder
capable of aligning national priorities with local needs.
Ping Lacson, on
the other hand, arrives with the reputation he has earned throughout his
career—strict, principled, feared by criminals, respected by institutions.
Together, they form a leadership combination that is rare: the statesman and
the enforcer, the steady hand and the iron spine. In a time of political chaos,
they become the pair the nation did not expect but may very well need.
Under such a
caretaker leadership, one truth becomes immediately clear: criminality, illegal
drugs, and systemic corruption—three evils that have long plagued the
nation—can finally be aggressively addressed without political interference.
Lacson’s arrival alone reshapes the landscape of law enforcement. Crime
syndicates tighten their movements. Drug networks feel the pressure of an
uncompromising hand. Corrupt officials who once walked with arrogance suddenly
move with caution. The caretaker period, free from dynastic ambitions and free
from transactional politics, becomes a rare window where justice can operate
without chains, and governance can function without fear or favor. For once,
the machinery of the state can be used to protect the people, not the powerful.
Civil society
begins to breathe. Investors, stop panicking. The military and police feel the
stabilizing presence of Lacson. Even critics fall silent—not in surrender, but
in recognition that the cycle of chaos must end. And slowly, without theatrics,
without fireworks, the nation finds its footing.
But stability
is not healing. And healing is not transformation. The deeper question remains:
can the Philippines finally escape the system that has betrayed it for decades?
Scholars point out that the 1987 Constitution, though born from noble
intentions, is structurally weak. It invites dynasties, incentivizes
corruption, centralizes power in Manila, weakens political parties, and traps
every administration in a bureaucratic maze.
This is when
Tito Sotto makes the boldest move of his life: he calls for a Constitutional
Convention. Not Cha-Cha by Congress. Not amendments crafted by politicians
protecting their own privileges. But a people-driven rewrite—a national rebirth
chosen by farmers, teachers, OFWs, nurses, scholars, barangay leaders, business
owners, and everyday citizens. For the first time since 1986, the Philippines
turns away from the question of who should lead and instead asks the far more
important question: What kind of country do we want to build?
And the nation
responds. Civil society, once divided, enters the conversation. Youth activists
shift from rage to participation. Retired generals sit at tables drafting
institutional reforms. Religious groups calm down and refocus on moral
guidance. The business sector finds hope in structural stability. The political
temperature drops, and the nation—shaking and bruised—begins to rise.
Debates ignite
the country: federalism, parliamentary options, stronger political parties,
anti-dynasty enforcement, reformed budgeting, judicial restructuring. These
conversations long overdue finally take center stage. For the first time in
decades, Filipinos feel they are not merely watching history unfold; they are
shaping it.
Will the
Philippines be well under a Sotto–Lacson caretaker leadership? Emotionally,
absolutely—because people need a moment of national calm. Structurally, very
possible—because systemic reform attacks the root of decay. Economically,
likely—because stability and credible leadership restore confidence.
Politically, hopeful—because neither Sotto nor Lacson carries dynastic hunger.
Morally, undoubtedly yes—because humility prevails over pride, and
constitutional order rises over chaos.
In the end,
this moment is not really about Tito Sotto or Ping Lacson. It is about us—about
a nation finally learning the same lesson I learned as a single father.
Sometimes, life breaks you again and again until you finally learn to stop
choosing what destroys you. My heart had to break many times before I learned
to choose differently, choose better, choose for my daughter. And perhaps the
Philippines is like that—heartbroken by its own choices, wounded by its own
patterns, but finally ready to say, “Tama na. I deserve better.”
If this moment
of national reset ever comes, history may remember it as the time when the
Philippines finally walked away from its toxic relationships with corrupt
leaders and chose itself. The time when the country, like a father learning
from his past, finally stopped repeating the same painful cycle and found the
courage to rebuild a future worthy of the next generation. A moment when the
storm cleared and the nation, battered but not broken, chose to heal—just as I
once had to heal for my daughter.
_______________________________________________________
TRANSLATED TO
FILIPINO
Isang
Bansang Nasa Gilid ng Pagbabagong-Buhay: Kapag Pinili Ng Pilipinas ang Tunay na
Pag-reset
*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM
Minsan, bago pa
ako magsalita tungkol sa pulitika o pambansang pamamahala, nagsisimula muna ako
sa sarili kong kuwento—dahil tulad ng bawat Pilipino, personal ang sugat ng
bayan. Bilang isang single father, alam ko kung ano ang pakiramdam ng
paulit-ulit na pumili nang mali. Ilang beses na akong naloko ng maling
babae—may mga scammer na nagpapanggap na kasama ko sa buhay, may mga user na
ang kabaitan ay nagiging ATM, may mga walker na dumarating at umaalis nang
parang paupahang kwarto lamang ang puso, at may mga swindler na ninanakaw ang
kapayapaan na parang karapatan nila. May mga gabing pakiramdam ko’y tanga ako,
na bakit parang mali lagi ang pinipili ko, bakit ang pag-asa ay laging
dumudulas sa palad ko. Pero sa bawat pagbagsak ko, bumabangon ako para sa aking
anak na si Juliana. Hindi ko kayang hayaang ang aking mga pagkakamali ang
magtatakda ng kanyang kinabukasan. At sa pagdadala ko ng mga personal na sakit
na ito, napagtanto ko na ang Pilipinas, tulad ko, ay paulit-ulit ding pumipili
ng mali. Parang ako rin, paulit-ulit tayong nagmamahal sa maling tao—mga
tiwaling opisyal, mga dinastiyang pulitikal, mga mahusay mambola at
mapanlinlang. Tinatawag pa nating “honorable.” Pinapaupo sa poder, tapos iiyak
tayo kapag tayo ang ninanakawan. Bawat eleksiyon ay parang toxic na
relasyon—umaasa tayong magbabago sila, pero ang nakukuha natin ay parehong
sakit, paulit-ulit.
Ngayon, pasan
ng Pilipinas ang bigat na ito. Ang iskandalo sa flood control, ang mga
napakalaking budget insertions, at ang garapal na pagnanakaw ay parang mga
tinik na nakabaon sa dibdib ng bayan. Basag ang civil society. Ang mga tao,
kanya-kanyang lakad. Pagod ang middle class. Ang kabataang dati’y puno ng
pag-asa, ngayo’y parang dalang-dala ang bigat ng pagkadismaya. Habang lumalalim
ang eskandalo at lumalawak ang kawalan ng tiwala, unti-unting bumubulong ang
bansa: Paano kung magsimula tayo muli? Paano kung magbitiw si Pangulong
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.? Paano kung sumabay na ring mag-resign si
Pangalawang Pangulong Sara Duterte? Paano kung sa wakas, tigilan na natin ang
pagtagpi sa lumulubog na barko at piliing gumawa ng bago?
Ayon sa
Saligang Batas ng 1987, kung mangyari ito, ang susunod na magiging pinuno ay si
Senate President Vicente “Tito” Sotto III. At marahil, sa kakaibang takbo ng
kasaysayan, itutulak siya sa Malacañang—hindi bilang naghahangad ng
kapangyarihan, kundi bilang isang lingkod na tumutupad sa tungkulin sa oras ng
pagkadurog ng bansa. Sa harap ng lumulubog na pamahalaan, mapipilitan siyang
maging tagapag-alaga ng sugatang Republika. At sa isang hakbang na ikagugulat
ng marami pero magpapakalma sa mas nakararami, pipiliin niyang maging Acting
Vice President si dating Senador Panfilo “Ping” Lacson—isang desisyong
magpapakita ng disiplina, katapatan, katatagan, at kredibilidad.
Si Tito Sotto,
papasok sa Malacañang hindi tulad ng mananakop, kundi tulad ng isang taong
ramdam ang bigat ng bansang iniwan ng eskandalo. May dala siyang katahimikan,
neutralidad, at kakayahang makipag-usap sa lahat ng panig. At bukod pa roon,
may isang bagay na taglay si Sotto na wala sa ibang nasyonal na lider: ang
kakaibang galing sa human relations. Kaibigan siya ng mga gobernador, mayor, at
barangay captain. Nirerespeto siya kahit ng mga pulitikong kalaban. At dahil
dito, nagagawa niyang pag-isahin ang pambansang pamahalaan at lokal na
pamahalaan—isang bagay na matagal nang hindi nagagawa ng sinuman. Kung ang
iba’y puro utos at banta, si Sotto ay marunong makipagkapwa. Kung ang iba’y
puro paghahati, siya ay tagapagbuklod. Sa ilalim niya, mararamdaman ng mga LGU
ang respeto at pagkilala—hindi bilang tauhan, kundi bilang katuwang.
Si Ping Lacson
naman, kilala na bago pa man ang kaniyang pangalan—mahigpit, may prinsipyo,
kinaaayawan ng kriminal, ginagalang ng institusyon. Sila ay nagiging bihirang
tambalan: ang estadista at ang tagapagpatupad, ang kamay na banayad at ang
kamay na bakal. Sa gitna ng kaguluhan, sila ang hindi inaasahang duet na
maaaring kailangan ng bansa.
Sa ilalim ng
ganitong caretaker leadership, isang katotohanan ang agad na lilitaw: ang
kriminalidad, illegal drugs, at malawakang korapsyon—ang tatlong matagal nang
salot ng bansa—sa wakas ay maaaring tugunan nang walang pulitikal na pakialam.
Ang pagdating ni Lacson ay parang paghigpit ng hawla sa mga sindikato.
Nagsisikip ang galaw ng mga cartel. Niyayanig ang mga drug network. Ang mga
corrupt na opisyal na dati’y naglalakad nang mayabang, biglang nagiging
maingat. Ang caretaker period—walang dinastikong ambisyon, walang transaksyong
pulitikal, walang pagkiling—ay nagiging bihirang sandali kung saan maaaring
gumana ang hustisya nang walang tali, at ang gobyerno ay maaaring tumakbo para
sa taumbayan at hindi para sa iilan.
Humihinga nang
maluwag ang civil society. Humihinto sa takot ang mga mamumuhunan. Pumapirmi
ang militar at pulisya sa presensiya ni Lacson. Maging ang mga kritiko,
tumatahimik—hindi dahil sumusuko sila, kundi dahil nauunawaan nilang dapat nang
putulin ang siklo ng kaguluhan. At dahan-dahan, walang drama, walang paputok,
tumitibay ang bansa.
Pero ang
katatagan ay hindi pa kagalingan. At ang kagalingan ay hindi pa pagbabago.
Nanatili ang mas malalim na tanong: kaya pa bang kumawala ng Pilipinas sa
sistemang paulit-ulit na nagpapahina sa kanya? Maraming iskolar ang nagsasabing
ang Saligang Batas ng 1987, bagama’t may mabuting layunin, ay puno ng butas.
Pabor sa dinastiya. Bukas sa korapsyon. Sentralisado. Mahina ang political
parties. At lahat ng pangulo, kahit gaano kabuti, ay nabibitag sa sablay na
disenyo.
Dito gagawa si
Tito Sotto ng pinakamalaking hakbang ng kanyang buhay: ang magpatawag ng
Constitutional Convention. Hindi Cha-cha ng Kongreso. Hindi pag-amyenda ng mga
pulitiko na may sariling interes. Kundi isang people-powered rewrite—isang
pambansang muling pagbangon na pipiliin ng mga magsasaka, guro, OFW, nurse,
iskolar, barangay leader, negosyante, at ordinaryong mamamayan. Sa unang
pagkakataon mula 1986, tatalikuran natin ang tanong na sino ang susunod, at
haharapin ang mas mahalagang tanong: Anong klaseng bansa ang gusto nating
ipamana sa susunod na henerasyon?
At nagtutugon
ang sambayanan. Ang kabataang dati’y galit, ngayon ay nakikilahok. Ang mga
retiradong heneral, gumagawa ng reporma. Ang simbahan, tumatalima sa tungkuling
moral. Ang negosyo, muling nagkakaroon ng tiwala. Humuhupa ang init ng
pulitika. At ang bansang sugatan, unti-unting tumatayo.
Sa huli, ang
tanong: magiging maayos ba ang Pilipinas sa ilalim ng Sotto–Lacson caretaker
leadership? Emosyonal, oo—dahil kailangan ng bayan ng kapayapaan. Estruktura,
oo—dahil inaayos mismo ang ugat ng problema. Ekonomiya, oo—dahil bumabalik ang
tiwala. Pulitika, oo—dahil wala silang dinastikong ambisyon. Moral, higit
lalo—dahil nananaig ang kababaang-loob kaysa kayabangan, at ang Saligang Batas
kaysa pansariling interes.
At sa dulo,
hindi ito talaga tungkol kina Tito Sotto at Ping Lacson. Tungkol ito sa atin—sa
bansang natuto sa parehong aral na natutunan ko bilang isang single father.
Minsan, paulit-ulit kang sinasaktan ng buhay hanggang matutunan mong tumigil sa
pagpili ng mga bagay na sumisira sa’yo. Napagod ang puso ko bago ko natutunang
pumili para sa sarili ko at para kay Juliana. At marahil ganito rin ang
Pilipinas—niloko, sinaktan, inulit-ulit ang maling pagpili—pero sa wakas
handang sabihin: “Tama na. Karapat-dapat ako sa mas mabuti.”
Kung darating
ang sandaling ito ng pambansang pag-reset, maaaring maalala ito ng kasaysayan
bilang panahon kung kailan tuluyan nang iniwan ng Pilipinas ang toxic na
relasyon nito sa mga tiwaling pinuno at pinili ang sarili. Panahon kung kailan,
tulad ng isang amang natuto sa mga sugat ng kahapon, tumigil ang bansa sa
pag-uulit ng mali at nagkaroon ng tapang na magtayo ng kinabukasang
karapat-dapat sa ating mga anak. Panahon kung kailan luminaw ang langit matapos
ang bagyo, at ang bayang bugbog at pagod ay pumili na ring maghilom—tulad ng
paghilom na minsan kong pinili para sa aking anak.
____
