Dr. John’s Wishful is a blog where stories, struggles, and hopes for a better nation come alive. It blends personal reflections with social commentary, turning everyday experiences into insights on democracy, unity, and integrity. More than critique, it is a voice of hope—reminding readers that words can inspire change, truth can challenge power, and dreams can guide Filipinos toward a future of justice and nationhood.

Thursday, January 29, 2026

The Final Two Years: Can a New Philippines Survive the Old Ways?

 *Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM


I woke up this morning to the familiar, heavy hum of a Manila Monday—the distant roar of the MRT, the smell of burnt coffee, and that persistent, nagging feeling every Filipino carries like a second skin: skepticism. It is January 2026. As I sit in this small café in Quezon City, watching the monsoon rain blur the window, I realize we are standing at a precipice. The clock toward 2028 is no longer just ticking; it is pounding. For President Bongbong Marcos, these next two years aren't just the home stretch of a term; they are the final window to prove that Bagong Pilipinas is a structural reality, not just a branding exercise.


I do not look at this landscape merely as a concerned citizen, but through the specific lens of my life’s work. As a Multi-Disciplinary Doctor in Management, an educator in Organizational Development, and a Professor of Doctrine Development, I have spent decades dissecting how institutions fail and how they function. I know that culture eats strategy for breakfast, and nowhere is that truer than in the Philippine government. We have been promised "new eras" so often that we’ve become experts at spotting the rust beneath the fresh paint. But as I watch this administration enter its twilight years, I see something different—a shift in doctrine that suggests the President finally understands that to save his name, he must dismantle the very machine that many assumed would be his greatest shield.


The Ghost in the Room


Let’s be honest: for PBBM, this isn't just about governance. It’s personal. Every time a headline about a multimillion-peso "intelligence fund" or a "ghost bridge" pops up, it’s not just a policy failure; it’s a ghost from his family’s past knocking on the door. I saw him in a briefing recently. He looked... tired. Not the "I need a vacation" tired, but the "I’m realizing how deep the rot goes" tired. There’s a human element to a man trying to outrun a shadow. He knows that if he exits in 2028 and the same old hands are still in the same old pockets, his presidency will be dismissed as a mere intermission. To suppress corruption, he has to be the one to break the machine his own circle helped maintain. From an organizational behavior perspective, he is attempting the most difficult maneuver in leadership: changing the culture of the organization while the organization fights back.


When the "Untouchables" Touched the Ground


The narrative changed for me in late 2025. We all remember the "Baha sa Luneta" protests and the "Trillion Peso March"—half a million people standing in the rain, not for a political party, but because ₱500 billion in flood control funds had seemingly vanished.


Historically, a leader would retreat into rhetoric. Instead, we saw a doctrinal shift. The establishment of the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) under Executive Order 94 felt like a rupture. When the axe fell on "big fish" contractors and even high-ranking cabinet allies, the air in the coffee shops shifted. It wasn't just "politics as usual" anymore. Seeing the President sign the ₱6.79-trillion 2026 budget with explicit "corruption guardrails" was a moment of cautious, heart-pounding hope. As a Doctrine Development Professor, I see this not just as enforcement, but as the rewriting of the rules of engagement in good governance—establishing that political proximity no longer guarantees immunity.


Killing the "Lagay" Culture via Smartphone

For me, the real victory isn't in the courtrooms; it’s on my phone. I used to keep a "buffer" of extra cash in my wallet whenever I had to deal with a government office—you know, for the "fixer" or the "facilitation fee." Today, the eGovPH Super App has changed the game.


  • The "Middleman" is Dead: With over 18 million of us now using the app, the "fixer" at the gate is starving. You can’t bribe a digital ledger. In management theory, we call this "disintermediation"—removing the human layer where value is extracted and corruption breeds.
  • Real-Time Accountability: I used the Sumbong sa Pangulo portal last month to flag a road project in a certain barangay that had been "under construction" for three years. Two weeks later, a verification team was on-site. That kind of responsiveness used to be a myth.


The Loneliest Path to 2028


As the 2028 elections loom, PBBM is entering the most dangerous phase of his term. He is pushing for a scaled-down Anti-Dynasty Law—a move that sounds like political suicide for a man from a dynasty. But looking at this through my background in Organizational Development, I see it for what it is: a structural intervention against the "local fiefdoms" that bleed our national budget dry.


"Suppression isn't a one-time event; it’s a chokehold on a system that is used to breathing easy."


He is betting his entire legacy on the idea that he can be the one to finally say, "Mahiya naman kayo" (Have some shame), and actually mean it. He’s letting the axe fall even when it hits close to home, and that is a lonely, necessary path. He is dismantling the informal power structures that have defined our politics for generations.

 

My Verdict


I’m still a skeptic. It’s in my DNA as a Filipino. But as I finish my coffee and head back into the Manila rain, I feel a shift. I don't think corruption will be "dead" by 2028—that is a fairy tale for the naive. Corruption in our islands is an ecosystem, a living thing that adapts. But what I do see is a concerted effort to suppress it. It is being pushed into the dark corners where it is harder to breathe, replaced by digital walls and independent audits.


If PBBM stays this course, he won’t just have cleaned the government; he’ll have redesigned it. And for the first time in a long time, I think we might be building something that won't just wash away in the next monsoon. As a Doctor in Management, my diagnosis is clear: the patient is still critical, but for the first time in decades, the treatment is actually attacking the disease, not just the symptoms.

 

_____

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academicpublic intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, managementeconomicsdoctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

 

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope

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