WHY THE BARANGAY AND SK ELECTIONS MUST NOT BE POSTPONED AGAIN: May Pera Para Kurakutin, Pero Walang Pera Para sa Demokrasya?

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

As I was scrolling through social media, I happened to see a video of former Manila Mayor and former BUHAY Party-list Congressman Lito Atienza passionately speaking against the postponement of the Barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan Elections.

He was not speaking as though this were merely another political issue. He was visibly frustrated. His words carried the anger of someone who understood that postponing an election is not as innocent as moving a date on a calendar. Behind every postponement are citizens who are prevented from choosing, candidates who are denied the opportunity to offer an alternative, and incumbent officials who are allowed to remain in power without receiving a fresh mandate from the people.

I continued watching, but one thought refused to leave me: How many times must the Filipino people be asked to wait before their right to choose is finally respected?

That video triggered me to write this article. It reminded me that silence can sometimes become an unwilling consent to the gradual weakening of democracy. If we no longer speak when elections are repeatedly postponed, we may one day wake up in a country where the schedule of democracy depends entirely on the convenience of those who are already in power.

Imagine an ordinary resident walking past the barangay hall every morning.

He sees the same officials whose leadership he no longer trusts. Perhaps the medicine intended for indigent residents disappears before reaching them. Perhaps assistance is distributed according to friendship, family connection, or political loyalty. Perhaps complaints are ignored because the person being complained about is close to someone in power.

Yet the resident remains hopeful. He tells himself, “Darating din ang election. Makakapili rin kami ng bago.”

Then Congress postpones the election.

Once again, he must wait. Once again, the officials he wants to replace remain in power. Once again, democracy asks him to be patient while someone else continues exercising authority over his community without obtaining a fresh mandate.

This is why every postponement of the Barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan Elections is not merely a change of date. It is a neglect of the people’s right to choose their leaders.

Sa bawat pagpapaliban, para nating sinasabi sa mga mamamayan: “Maghintay muna kayo. Hindi pa mahalaga ang inyong boto. Manatili muna ang mga lider ninyo, gusto man ninyo sila o hindi.”

Masakit ito because the barangay is the government closest to the ordinary Filipino. Kapag may sakit ang anak, may sunog o baha, may away ng magkapitbahay, may pang-aabuso, o may pamilyang walang makain, hindi naman agad makakalapit ang tao sa Presidente, senador, congressman, governor, o mayor. Sa barangay hall muna siya kumakatok.

For many Filipinos, the barangay is not merely the smallest unit of government. It is the face, voice, and hand of government in their everyday lives.

Yet whenever its election is postponed, we treat barangay leadership as if it were insignificant and negotiable. Para bang puwedeng basta palawigin ang termino ng mga opisyal dahil may bagong dahilan ang mga mambabatas. Para bang walang epekto kung manatili sila nang mas matagal sa puwesto, kahit hindi na tinatanong ang taumbayan.

But barangay officials exercise real power. They manage public funds, implement programs, distribute assistance, maintain peace and order, issue certifications, settle disputes, and influence the allocation of community resources. Their decisions affect real families, livelihoods, safety, and human dignity.

The barangay of today is no longer the small and financially insignificant community many people imagine.

May mga barangay ngayon na mas malaki pa ang populasyon kaysa sa ilang munisipalidad. May malalaking negosyo, malawak na teritoryo, malaking taunang budget, at napakaraming programang pinangangasiwaan. Some barangays have populations and economic activities comparable to those of entire towns.

Therefore, postponing their elections is not a minor administrative adjustment. It is an extension of actual political power.

Paano kung corrupt ang kasalukuyang barangay leadership? Paano kung hindi na sila nakikinig? Paano kung ginagamit nila ang pondo para sa sariling interes, pamilya, kaibigan, o political allies? Paano kung matagal nang naghihintay ang mga tao ng pagkakataong palitan sila?

Kapag ipinagpaliban ang halalan, hindi lamang ang petsa ang inililipat. Ipinagpapaliban din ang pananagutan.

The people are forced to endure officials whom they may no longer trust. Meanwhile, those officials receive additional time to control public authority and resources without securing renewed consent from their constituents.

Kung mahusay ang isang barangay official, hayaan siyang muling humarap sa mga tao. Kung tapat siya, hindi niya dapat katakutan ang balota. Kung tunay siyang minamahal ng kanyang komunidad, ibabalik siya ng taumbayan sa puwesto.

But if that official has become corrupt, abusive, negligent, or inaccessible, why should Congress give that person additional time in office without asking the people?

Ang kapangyarihan ay hindi pag-aari ng incumbent. Hiram lamang ito sa mamamayan. At ang anumang hiniram ay kailangang isauli upang muling ipagkatiwala, o ibigay naman sa iba.

May Pera Para Kurakutin, Pero Walang Pera Para sa Demokrasya?

One justification being offered is the supposed lack of government funds. Mahal daw ang Barangay and SK Elections. Kailangan daw magtipid ng pamahalaan.

But democracy is not an unnecessary expense. It is the source of government’s legitimacy.

May pera para sa budget insertions, pero walang pera para sa halalan. May pera para sa questionable expenditures, intelligence funds, confidential funds, at mga proyektong hindi naman malinaw kung sino talaga ang nakikinabang. May pondong maaaring paglaruan, manipulahin, at kurakutin ng ilang tiwaling opisyal, pero kapag karapatan na ng mamamayan ang pag-uusapan, biglang kapos ang kaban ng bayan.

Napakalupit. Napakasakit.

We are willing to postpone democracy, but we are seemingly unwilling to sacrifice the questionable expenditures that consume billions of pesos in public funds. We can delay the people’s right to vote, but we cannot remove dubious budget insertions. We can extend the tenure of barangay officials without a fresh mandate, but we cannot seem to stop the wastage, leakage, and corruption that drain the national treasury.

Kung talagang walang pera ang pamahalaan, bakit ang halalan ang unang isinasakripisyo? Bakit hindi ang questionable insertions? Bakit hindi ang unnecessary expenditures? Bakit hindi ang confidential and intelligence funds na kulang sa malinaw at transparent na accounting? Bakit hindi ang mga proyektong inuuna dahil may komisyon, kickback, o political benefit?

Why must ordinary citizens surrender their right to choose while powerful politicians refuse to surrender the funds they control?

The people are not asking for special treatment. They are merely asking government to honor a scheduled election. They are asking for the opportunity to replace leaders who may have become corrupt, abusive, negligent, or unworthy of public trust. They are asking for the right to decide who should manage their community and its resources.

Yet even this basic democratic right is being treated as expendable.

Ang barangay election ang sinasakripisyo, ngunit hindi ang insertion. Ang boto ng mamamayan ang ipinagpapaliban, ngunit hindi ang paglalabas ng questionable funds. Ang ordinaryong tao ang pinaghihintay, habang ang mga makapangyarihan ay patuloy na nakikinabang sa sistemang sila rin ang kumokontrol.

If Congress genuinely wants to save money, it should begin with its own questionable expenditures. Let lawmakers remove unnecessary appropriations, expose dubious insertions, strengthen the auditing of confidential and intelligence funds, and stop financing programs that exist only as instruments of patronage and corruption.

Huwag nilang pagtitipiran ang demokrasya habang sagana ang pondo para sa mga bagay na hindi naman maipaliwanag nang maayos sa taumbayan.

The cost of an election is visible in the budget. But the cost of postponing accountability can be far greater. How much public money could be lost when corrupt officials are given additional time to control barangay funds? How many residents could be deprived of assistance? How many anomalous transactions could be concealed? How many communities must continue suffering under leaders they no longer trust?

May pera para sa mga proyektong maaaring pagkakitaan, pero walang pera para marinig ang tinig ng mamamayan.

May pera para sa insertion at pondong maaaring kurakutin, pero walang pera para sa demokrasya.

If that is how government determines its priorities, then our greatest problem is not really the absence of money.

It is the absence of integrity.

The Politics Behind the Postponement

May isa pang katotohanang kailangang harapin. Tuwing barangay election, maraming kandidatong lumalapit sa congressmen, governors, mayors, at iba pang makapangyarihang politiko para humingi ng tulong at pondo.

National and local politicians know that the barangay is the foundation of their electoral machinery. It is where votes are organized, families are influenced, loyalties are cultivated, and political alliances are maintained.

Kaya kailangang itanong: Ang postponement ba ay talagang para makatipid ang pamahalaan, o para mapanatili ang mga kasalukuyang political network?

If incumbent barangay officials are allied with powerful politicians, extending their tenure may also preserve an established political machinery. Walang election, walang disruption. Walang election, walang bagong lider na maaaring kumalaban. Walang election, walang pagkakataon ang independent candidates at reformist leaders na mag-alok ng pagbabago.

The officials benefiting from postponement no longer need to ask the people for another mandate. Congress effectively hands it to them.

But Congress cannot substitute its judgment for the sovereign will of barangay residents.

Ang mandato ay hindi regalo ng mga mambabatas. Hindi nila ito personal na pag-aari na maaaring ipamigay, palawigin, o ipamana. The mandate belongs exclusively to the people.

Integritocracy Must Begin in the Barangay

This is where Integritocracy, the governance philosophy I authored after decades of political reflection, becomes essential.

Integritocracy seeks to restore the soul of democracy through integrity, character, accountability, and public trust. It teaches us that winning an election is not enough. A leader must continue deserving the authority entrusted to him.

But public trust cannot simply be presumed or legislatively extended. It must be earned, protected, and periodically renewed by the people.

Sa Integritocracy, hindi sapat na legal ang pananatili sa puwesto. It must also remain morally legitimate. An extension may be written into law, but no act of Congress can manufacture genuine public trust.

A leader who claims to possess integrity should be willing to face the electorate, account for every public peso, explain every decision, and ask for a fresh mandate.

Integritocracy must begin where government first touches the life of the citizen: in the barangay hall, in the handling of community funds, in the fair distribution of assistance, and in an official’s willingness to submit to the judgment of the people.

How can we restore the soul of democracy if we repeatedly prevent citizens from evaluating the integrity and character of their leaders?

Eight Postponements Are Enough

Barangay elections have already been postponed eight times since 1988. If the November 2, 2026 elections are postponed again, it will become the ninth postponement in less than four decades.

Hindi na ito extraordinary measure. Nagiging institutional habit na ito.

Every postponement weakens the meaning of periodic elections. Every extension without a fresh vote teaches public officials that they can remain in power beyond the mandate originally given to them. At bawat araw na ipinagkakait sa tao ang pagkakataong pumili ay isang araw na nababawasan ang tunay na saysay ng demokrasya.

We must establish an uncompromising democratic principle: scheduled elections must proceed unless an actual war, catastrophic disaster, or equally extraordinary circumstance makes voting physically impossible.

Financial inconvenience and political convenience must never be sufficient reasons.

Hindi natin maaaring ipagmalaki na democratic country tayo habang ang pinakamalapit na pamahalaan sa mamamayan ay paulit-ulit nating inilalayo sa kanilang kapangyarihang pumili.

The barangay is the foundation of Philippine democracy. Kapag hinayaan nating masira ang pundasyong ito, magiging marupok ang lahat ng institusyong nakatayo sa ibabaw nito.

Let the people reward leaders who have served honestly. Let them remove those who have betrayed their trust. Let new candidates offer better ideas. Let young leaders dream of public service. Let every community decide what kind of leadership it deserves.

Maybe it is time to stop postponing the Barangay and SK Elections.

Because we are no longer merely postponing an electoral exercise. We are postponing accountability. We are extending power without renewed consent. We are depriving citizens of a fresh mandate. We are neglecting democracy itself.

Sa bawat postponement, may mamamayang pinaghihintay. May boses na pinatatahimik. May abusadong lider na maaaring mas tumagal. May bagong lider na hindi nabibigyan ng pagkakataon. At may isang komunidad na pinagkakaitan ng karapatang baguhin ang sarili nitong kinabukasan.

Public office is not merely a position to be occupied. It is a moral trust that must be exercised with integrity and renewed through the people’s consent.

Hindi na ito simpleng paglilipat ng petsa.

Every postponement neglects democracy. Every extension without consent betrays Integritocracy. And every election denied is a voice of the people silenced.

_________________________________________________________

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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When a Political Party’s Discipline Dies, Corruption Reigns

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

I was only six years old when leadership first touched my life.

In a small Grade 1 classroom—with its wooden chairs, dusty erasers, and a chalkboard that towered like a wall of authority—I heard my name called as the newly elected Class President. I didn’t fully understand the weight of that title then. All I knew was that beside my name on the board were the words President, Secretary, Sergeant-at-Arms, and Treasurer. Together, we were entrusted with the responsibility to keep our class in order whenever our teacher stepped outside.

One afternoon, our teacher left for a meeting. And like many Grade 1 rooms in the Philippines, the moment she closed the door, chaos erupted.

A classmate began running around, shouting, banging chairs, disturbing everyone. As Class President, it was my job to keep the peace. I called him to order. The sergeant-at-arms wrote his name on the board. Still, he ignored us. He believed the absence of the teacher gave him absolute freedom to misbehave.

When our teacher returned and saw the messy board filled with names, she didn’t scold the noisy child first.

She looked at me.

Directly.

Uncomfortably.

“Rodolfo Ortiz Teope! Why did you allow this? You are the President. Where was the discipline? Where was the leadership?”

I was stunned. I was just a child. But now, through the lens of age and experience, I understand why she looked at me that way.

Leadership is not only about what you do.

Leadership is about what you tolerate.

And as I witness the unfolding tragedy of the flood control scandal today—a scandal of staggering magnitude and heartbreaking consequences—I realize that the same childhood lesson echoes in the very foundations of our political system.

Just like that unruly classmate, the corrupt officials who stole billions in flood control funds are guilty. But they are not the only ones at fault.

The deeper betrayal lies with the political parties—the supposed class officers of our democracy—that refused to discipline them.

The Flood Control Scandal: Not Just Corruption, but a National Betrayal

I have spent years studying governance, teaching public safety professionals, advising government leaders, and analyzing political behavior. But the flood control scandal is one of the most painful national wounds I’ve ever seen.

This was not ordinary corruption.

It was engineered plunder, executed with bureaucratic precision and protected by political complicity.

Billions were siphoned through manipulated budget insertions, ghost projects, inflated contracts, and coordinated influence networks. This was not one rogue official. This was a political ecosystem of greed.

And many of its architects?

Senators.

Congressmen.

Influential political actors.

Some already face cases.

Some await indictment.

Some will inevitably be imprisoned.

But the more painful truth is this:

They stole because they were allowed to steal.

Just like the noisy classmate who misbehaved because the “officers” refused to act, these legislators plundered because their political parties chose silence over discipline.

In political science, Sartori (1976) notes that party discipline is the “internal immune system” of a political structure. When it fails, the body becomes defenseless against corruption.

That is precisely what happened. 

Political parties permitted their members to abuse the system without fear of consequences. They valued numbers over integrity, loyalty over morality, and power over patriotism.

Their silence built the runway from which corruption took flight.

 

Corruption as Human Suffering

We often analyze corruption in technical terms—budgets, appropriations, contracts. But corruption in flood control is a tragedy with human faces.

Every diverted peso is a mother standing on her rooftop, praying the waters stop rising.

Every kickback is a child wading through waist-deep water just to reach school.

Every manipulated allocation is a father watching his small business drown in brown floodwater.

Hellman, Jones, and Kaufmann (2000) call this state capture: when public institutions serve private greed instead of public good.

But for the Filipino people, it is simply betrayal.

It is betrayal when a Senator turns flood control into an ATM machine.

It is betrayal when a Congressman inflates budgets while families lose their homes.

It is betrayal when political parties pretend they don’t see.

Corruption is not just the theft of money.

It is the theft of safety, dignity, and hope.

 

NPC’s Expulsion of Alice Guo: A Rare Moment of Courage

This is why the decision of the National People’s Coalition (NPC) to expel Alice Guo struck me deeply.

For the first time in years, a political party acted like my Grade 1 class officers were supposed to act. They looked at a member whose actions endangered credibility, loyalty, and national security—and said:

“Your name goes on the board.

You must go.”

In academic terms, Diamond and Gunther (2001) call this defensive institutionalization—a party choosing to preserve its moral identity by expelling those who compromise it.

Most political parties would have protected her.

NPC did not.

And in doing so, NPC revealed how glaringly cowardly other parties have been. 

Parties that protect Senators and Representatives involved in the flood control racket are not political institutions.

They are shelters for syndicates.

NPC’s decision was a reminder that political parties can act with dignity—if they want to.

The Reckoning Will Not Spare the Parties

The time of reckoning is near.

And it will be swift.

Names will be indicted.

Senators will be arrested.

Congressmen will be jailed.

Contractors will confess.

Networks will collapse.

 

But the reckoning will not end with individuals.

It will fall upon the political parties that enabled them.

As Schedler (1999) notes, democracies do not collapse under the weight of corruption alone—they collapse when institutions refuse to self-correct.

Political parties in the Philippines have refused to self-correct for far too long.

NPC took one brave step.

Others must follow—or be remembered as accomplices.

Purge or Perish: The Hard Truth

Just as my Grade 1 teacher held me accountable for the noise I allowed, the Filipino people will hold political parties accountable for the corruption they tolerated.

A political party that protects a corrupt Senator is not a political institution—it is a cartel.

A party that shelters a corrupt Congressman is not a force for democracy—it is a criminal syndicate with a logo.

When a political party’s discipline dies, corruption does not merely reign.

It becomes culture.

It becomes generational.

It becomes the flood that destroys our future.

And unless political parties choose courage over convenience—

unless they write the names on the board and expel the corrupt—

the next floods that drown us will not be caused by typhoons,

but by our own political cowardice.

 

References

 

• Diamond, L., & Gunther, R. (2001). Political parties and democracy. Johns Hopkins University Press.
• Hellman, J. S., Jones, G., & Kaufmann, D. (2000). Seize the state, seize the day: State capture, corruption, and influence in transition. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2444.
• Johnston, M. (2005). Syndromes of corruption: Wealth, power, and democracy. Cambridge University Press.
• Sartori, G. (1976). Parties and party systems: A framework for analysis. Cambridge University Press.
• Schedler, A. (1999). Conceptualizing accountability. In A. Schedler, L. Diamond, & M. F. Plattner (Eds.), The self-restraining state: Power and accountability in new democracies (pp. 13–28). Lynne Rienner Publishers.

 ____

 *About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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