CONFIDENTIAL VS. INTELLIGENCE: Parehong Lihim, Pero Hindi Pareho

  *Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

Imagine entering a government office and seeing two locked boxes. Parehong nakasara, parehong may lamang pera ng bayan, at parehong may nakasulat na “Restricted.” Dahil hindi natin nakikita ang laman, natural lamang na isipin nating pareho ang dalawang kahon.

But they are not the same.

One may contain money for confidential surveillance by a civilian government agency. The other may finance intelligence and counterintelligence operations directly affecting national security. Magkatabi silang binabanggit bilang Confidential and Intelligence Funds, or CIF, kaya para sa ordinaryong mamamayan, parang iisa lamang sila. Pareho silang lihim, ngunit magkaiba ang kanilang legal purpose, authorized users, at limitations.

I examine this issue not only as a political analyst and intelligence analyst, but also as a former local legislator and a professor of public safety and law enforcement. I understand why certain government operations must remain secret. An informer may be killed if his identity is exposed. A surveillance operation may collapse if its methods become public. A planned attack cannot be prevented if the suspects already know that the government is watching.

But I also write as a Filipino citizen seeking transparency and accountability, because public money does not cease to be the people’s money merely because it is placed inside a confidential envelope.

I write this not to influence the people’s position on the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte. I am not here to persuade anyone to convict her, acquit her, defend her, or condemn her. I write as a wishful thinker—perhaps still holding on to what sometimes feels like a hopeless hope—that beyond the anger, political loyalties, and deafening noise, some Filipinos will pause and understand the deeper meaning behind the controversy.

We are living in a war of narratives. Facts are selected to suit political loyalties. Legal questions are reduced to slogans. Allegations are treated as truth, while legitimate questions are dismissed as propaganda. Sa ganitong panahon, disinformation is no longer merely an inconvenience. It has become a threat to national security because it destroys public trust, divides the people, and weakens institutions.

Vice President Sara Duterte and the Office of the Vice President may possess legitimate reasons for using their Confidential Funds. There may have been actual threats, genuine surveillance activities, confidential sources, and lawful operations that could not be publicly disclosed. Fairness demands that we remain open to that possibility.

But legitimacy cannot be created by political speeches, partisan commentaries, viral videos, or social-media posts. Neither the prosecution nor the defense can conclusively establish legality through narratives alone.

The expenditures must ultimately be justified by evidence possessed by the OVP: operational plans prepared at the proper time, authorizations, threat assessments, coordination records, acknowledgment documents, accomplishment reports, liquidation papers, and other records required by law.

If those documents establish that the funds supported lawful and authorized activities, the Vice President deserves the benefit of that evidence. But if the records are absent, fabricated, inconsistent, or incapable of demonstrating a legitimate public purpose, accountability must follow—regardless of her position, popularity, political family, or number of supporters.

Under Joint Circular No. 2015-01, a Confidential Fund generally supports surveillance and information-gathering activities of civilian agencies within their lawful mandates. An Intelligence Fund finances intelligence and counterintelligence activities of uniformed, military, and authorized intelligence practitioners that directly affect national security.

Sa simpleng paliwanag, ang Confidential Fund ay para sa sensitibong operasyon ng civilian agencies, samantalang ang Intelligence Fund ay para sa national-security operations ng mga ahensiyang may intelligence mandate. Hindi porke may Confidential Fund ang isang civilian office ay maaari na itong kumilos na parang AFP, PNP, NICA, or a national intelligence agency.

Confidential Funds may finance the purchase of information necessary for national security and peace and order, operational vehicles, safe houses, and supplies whose ordinary procurement would compromise an operation. They may also finance properly approved rewards to nonemployee informers when the payment is connected with a specific operation and supported by evidence of accomplishment.

Intelligence Funds are more narrowly reserved for intelligence and counterintelligence affecting national security and approved covert or semi-covert operations against security threats and lawless elements.

Neither category is a blank check. These funds cannot ordinarily pay government salaries, overtime, allowances, additional compensation, representation, consultancy, entertainment, or the construction and acquisition of buildings and housing structures.

The funds associated with the OVP were classified as Confidential Funds, not Intelligence Funds. The OVP therefore could not transform them into Intelligence Funds merely by describing certain activities as “intelligence gathering.”

Can Confidential Funds support surveillance intended to protect the Vice President? Possibly, but not automatically. A discreet operation to verify a credible assassination threat, identify hostile surveillance, or prevent a clear and present danger may qualify.

But routine protection is different. Bodyguards, regular deployments, travel security, vehicles, fuel, salaries, overtime, and allowances are normally protective-security or administrative expenses. Ang surveillance upang tuklasin ang isang tunay na banta ay maaaring confidential, ngunit ang ordinaryong pagbabantay ay hindi awtomatikong nagiging confidential operation.

A legitimate confidential activity must remain within the agency’s mandate, appear in an approved plan, possess a valid security or peace-and-order objective, and be coordinated with the proper law-enforcement agency whenever practicable. Its expenditures must also be supported by documents and accomplishment reports for specialized COA audit.

Confidentiality may restrict public access to sensitive details, but it does not eliminate liquidation and auditing. Hindi man maaaring malaman ng publiko ang pangalan ng informer, dapat mapatunayan sa awtorisadong auditor na may lehitimong impormasyon, may awtorisadong bayad, at may resultang nakamit.

The issue becomes more delicate when a medical mission is described as a cover for gathering information. A medical mission is not, by itself, a confidential activity. Medicines, doctors, nurses, equipment, food, transportation, and patient treatment are humanitarian expenses that should come from regular program funds.

Suppose an authorized officer meets an informer during a medical mission and receives specific information about a genuine threat. The properly approved payment for that information may potentially qualify as a confidential expense. But the medical costs remain ordinary program expenses.

Hindi puwedeng dahil may isang confidential meeting sa medical mission ay confidential na rin ang lahat—mula gamot hanggang pagkain at pamasahe.

The confidential component must be separated from the public-service program. This is the principle of financial severability. Kung may tunay na confidential component, ihiwalay ito sa ordinaryong gastos. Huwag gawing kumot ang salitang “cover” upang takpan ang buong expenditure.

If the mission was genuinely designed as operational cover, there should already have been a protected but verifiable plan before it occurred. May authorization ba? May specific threat at operational objective ba? May coordination at accomplishment report ba? A cover must be part of the original design—not an explanation invented after the money has already been spent.

There is also a moral issue. People attend medical missions because they are sick, poor, or unable to afford healthcare. They arrive carrying prescriptions, medical records, and hope. Dumarating sila hindi bilang intelligence sources kundi bilang mga taong naghahanap ng lunas.

If their vulnerability is used to collect political information, identify critics, or monitor communities, something deeply human is violated. Kapag ang medical mission ay kinatakutan sa halip na pagkatiwalaan, hindi lamang pera ang nasisira. Pati tiwala ng mamamayan ay unti-unting namamatay.

Other democracies show that secrecy and accountability can coexist. The United States publicly discloses the total or top-line amount of its National Intelligence Program while protecting operational details, but its intelligence community remains subject to congressional, executive, and inspector-general oversight.

The United Kingdom’s Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament examines the policies, administration, expenditures, and certain operations of MI5, MI6, GCHQ, and other intelligence institutions. Australia likewise audits government entities and examines their financial controls, although classified information may require secure handling.

Their systems differ from ours, but the principle is universal: Public secrecy does not have to mean institutional blindness. Hindi kailangang isapubliko ang pangalan ng informer upang magkaroon ng accountability. A democracy can protect national secrets without protecting wrongdoing.

Every claimed confidential operation must answer five connected questions: Was the fund properly classified? Did the agency possess the legal mandate? Was the activity authorized? Was every expense directly connected with the operation? And do documents prepared at the proper time establish its payment, purpose, and accomplishment?

As a political analyst, I understand partisan narratives. As an intelligence analyst, I respect the protection of sources and methods. As a former legislator, I know that an appropriation is never a blank check. As a professor, I believe that authority must always be accompanied by responsibility.

But above all, as a citizen seeking transparency and accountability, I cannot accept that public money stops being the people’s business once it is called confidential.

Let us return to the two locked boxes. Their keys cannot simply be handed to the public because some secrets protect the country and save lives. But those keys must always remain in the hands of the law.

Confidentiality may conceal the details of a lawful operation, but it must never conceal the absence of one.

If the documentary trail exists, let it speak for the Vice President. If it does not, let its silence speak for the Filipino people.

A government secret may belong to the State.

But every peso inside it will always belong to the Filipino people.

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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The Endless Search for Hope: Leadership, Illusion, and the Filipino Dilemma

*Dr. Rodolfo John Ortiz Teope, PhD, EdD, DM

I remember my first vote in 1992. I stood in line not just as a citizen fulfilling a civic duty, but as a Filipino carrying hope. Around me were people who believed that the next name on the ballot could change everything. There was energy in the air, a quiet conviction that this time, things would be different. Decades later, I find myself standing in the same line, not physically perhaps, but emotionally, intellectually, and historically. The names have changed, the slogans have evolved, the technology of campaigning has become more sophisticated, but the underlying pattern remains painfully the same. We are still searching. We are still hoping. And we are still asking the same question: who is the real hope of the nation?

As elections approach, a familiar rhythm emerges. The media—whether social, mainstream, or traditional—begins to amplify voices, elevate personalities, and construct narratives. Names resurface with renewed force. Bong Go is mentioned. Leni Robredo is once again framed as a beacon of hope. The reformist bloc projects figures like Bam Aquino and Risa Hontiveros. Even Mar Roxas, once set aside by electoral defeat, is whispered again as a possible leader. These names are not new. They are part of a continuing story, a cycle of reintroduction and reinvention. Each carries a legacy, a following, and a carefully curated image. Yet behind every reemergence lies a deeper question: are we moving forward, or are we simply circling within the same political orbit?

This pattern is not new. In 2016, Rodrigo Duterte rose as the embodiment of decisive change, promising to eradicate drugs within six months and restore order through sheer political will. In 2010, Benigno Aquino III carried the emotional momentum of a nation mourning his mother, presenting himself as the moral antidote to corruption. Before that, Corazon Aquino stood as the symbol of democratic restoration in the aftermath of authoritarian rule. In 2022, the message was unity, with Ferdinand Marcos Jr. presented as the figure who would reconcile divisions and bring the nation together. Each of these leaders, at one point, was embraced as the answer. Each was declared the hope of the Filipino people. Yet as governance unfolded, reality intervened. Criticism emerged. Expectations clashed with outcomes. And the narrative shifted from hope to disappointment.

Now, the conversation turns again. Sara Duterte is increasingly positioned as the next potential leader, the next bearer of national hope. But one must pause and ask: is this hope grounded in vision and competence, or is it shaped by lineage, popularity, and the enduring influence of political branding? Are we witnessing the emergence of a leader, or the continuation of a political dynasty?

Among the younger generation, particularly Gen Z, there is a different kind of awakening. Many are beginning to look beyond national personalities and instead focus on local governance. In this space, the name of Vico Sotto frequently arises—not merely as a symbol of youth, but as a working example of governance that attempts to align transparency, accountability, and efficiency. His leadership in Pasig has become, for many, a reference point of what “possible” looks like in a system long associated with patronage and personality politics. Yet even here, caution tempers optimism. He is young. His experience is still unfolding. And history has taught us that power has a way of transforming even the most promising individuals. The question lingers: if elevated to higher office, will he remain the same, or will he too be reshaped by the very system he enters? Will he be protected by public trust, or dismantled by the machinery of political opposition?

There is also an emerging line of thought among observers and younger voters that if constitutional reforms were ever to revisit the age requirement for the presidency, a new political configuration could become possible. In such a scenario, a tandem between Vico Sotto and Joy Belmonte is often imagined as a compelling balance of youth and experience, innovation and administrative depth. While this remains purely speculative, the appeal lies in complementarity. One represents a rising reform-oriented leadership grounded in transparency and efficiency, while the other brings executive experience from managing one of the largest and most complex local governments in the country. Yet even this idea must be approached with caution. Political tandems, no matter how promising on paper, are still subject to the same systemic pressures, political realities, and public expectations that have tested leaders before them. Hope, once again, must be anchored not in personalities alone, but in sustained performance, institutional strength, and the maturity of the electorate.

This leads us to a more uncomfortable but necessary reflection. Perhaps the issue is not simply about finding the right leader. Perhaps the deeper issue lies in the system itself. The Philippine presidential system concentrates immense power in a single individual, turning elections into high-stakes spectacles driven by personality, popularity, and emotional appeal. It encourages a politics of noise, where visibility often outweighs viability, and where narratives can overshadow substance. In such an environment, even capable leaders can become constrained, compromised, or absorbed by institutional limitations and political pressures.

This is why discussions about structural reform continue to surface. Whether through a shift to a parliamentary system or the adoption of federalism, there is a growing recognition that systemic change may be necessary to break the cycle. These are not merely theoretical proposals. They are reflections of a collective frustration, an acknowledgment that without addressing the architecture of governance, we may continue to produce the same outcomes regardless of who sits in power. The Constitution itself, once seen as the ultimate safeguard of democracy, is now being reexamined as a possible contributor to the very challenges we face.

And yet, even as we consider systemic reform, the human question persists. Who is the leader we are waiting for? Who will rise not as a product of propaganda, but as a product of principle? Many names come to mind, but certainty remains elusive. Some of those with experience and depth are already in their seventies or eighties. While wisdom often comes with age, the demands of national leadership require not only intellect and experience, but also stamina, adaptability, and the ability to engage with rapidly changing global realities. On the other hand, younger leaders, while energetic and innovative, often struggle to gain traction within a system that favors established names and entrenched networks.

This brings us to the heart of the matter. The leader we seek must transcend the patterns of the past. Not one who runs for revenge. Not one who seeks office to accumulate wealth or protect personal interests. Not one who aligns with foreign powers at the expense of national sovereignty. Not one who shields criminal syndicates or perpetuates monopolistic control. The leader we need must possess a genuine and unwavering love for the Filipino people. A love that is not selective, not conditional, and not performative.

Such a leader must be prepared to confront the most powerful forces within and beyond the nation. Political dynasties that have long dominated the landscape. Economic elites who influence policy from behind the scenes. International actors whose interests do not always align with our own. This leader must have the courage to stand firm, the wisdom to navigate complexity, and the humility to listen.

Competence is equally essential. A deep understanding of economics is necessary to address inequality and drive sustainable development. Mastery of diplomacy is crucial in an increasingly interconnected and contested global environment. A strong sense of nationalism must guide decisions, ensuring that the welfare of the Filipino people remains paramount. And beyond all these, there must be character. A Filipino heart that values family, respects dignity, and places the nation above self.

But even this is not enough.

Because the truth, however difficult it may be to accept, is that no leader alone can save the nation. The repeated cycle of hope and disappointment is not solely a failure of leadership. It is also a reflection of how we, as a people, choose. We have often been drawn to the loudest voices, the most familiar names, the most emotionally compelling narratives. We have allowed propaganda to shape perception, and perception to shape decisions. We have, at times, mistaken charisma for competence, and popularity for preparedness.

If we continue along this path, the outcome will not change. We will continue to elevate leaders based on the same criteria, and we will continue to experience the same results. The system will persist, and the cycle will repeat.

Therefore, the real question is not only who will lead us. The real question is who we are as voters, as citizens, as a nation. Are we prepared to move beyond the politics of noise? Are we willing to examine platforms, scrutinize track records, and demand accountability? Are we ready to support those who may not be the most popular, but who may be the most capable?

In the end, the leader we are searching for may already exist. But unless we change the way we look, the way we listen, and the way we choose, we may never recognize that leader when he or she finally stands before us.

And so the cycle continues, not because hope is absent, but because we have yet to fully understand where it truly resides.

#DJOT

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*About the author:

Dr. Rodolfo “John” Ortiz Teope is a distinguished Filipino academic, public intellectual, and advocate for civic education and public safety, whose work spans local academies and international security circles. With a career rooted in teaching, research, policy, and public engagement, he bridges theory and practice by making meaningful contributions to academic discourse, civic education, and public policy. Dr. Teope is widely respected for his critical scholarship in education, management, economics, doctrine development, and public safety; his grassroots involvement in government and non-government organizations; his influential media presence promoting democratic values and civic consciousness; and his ethical leadership grounded in Filipino nationalism and public service. As a true public intellectual, he exemplifies how research, advocacy, governance, and education can work together in pursuit of the nation’s moral and civic mission.

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